A Research Study On The Basic Positive And Negative Effects Of Gaming Essay

Abstract The purpose of this study emphasizes on both, the positive and the negative impacts of playing video games on the teenagers. Over the last 30 years video games have made an impact on the way teenagers spend their leisure time. This research hypothesizes that social interaction, psychological, in particular aggressive behavior, health and academic performance is greatly affected by the extensive use of video gaming. The research proposal is further supported by the literature review of various articles including an article by Brandon T, which states that video games influence the beliefs and self esteem of children. In another article by Steven J Krish, it was proven that a positive relationship prevails between video gaming and self aggression, among the age groups of 11-17. In order to prove our hypothesis, both the primary and secondary research was conducted. The primary research was followed by questionnaires that were distributed among the targeted group and also an interview was conducted with a gaming technical. Our secondary research consisted of various articles. The information narrowed down brought very sensitive issues into the limelight. It was observed that almost 72 % of the teenagers suffered from acute aggression, bad grades and health issues, thus proving our hypothesis correct. However only strategic games were given a positive response as they sharpen the minds of the players but on the whole the negative effects overshadow the positive side of playing video games. Video Games and Teenagers: A Research Study On The Basic Positive And Negative Effects Of Gaming A video game is an electronic game that involves human interaction with a user interface to generate visual feedback on a video device. It has been one of the most preferred leisure activities by the teenagers . The history of video games goes as far back as 1940s, when in 1947 Thomas T. Goldsmith, Jr. and Estle Ray Mann filed a US patent request for an invention they described as cathode ray tube amusement device. This patent which the United States Patent office issued on December 14, 1948, details a machine in which a person uses knobs and buttons to manipulate a cathode ray tube beam to simulate firing at â€Å"air-borne† targets. Video gaming would not reach mainstream popularity until the 1970s and 80s, when arcade video games, gaming consoles and home computer games were introduced to general public. Since then video gaming has become a popular form of entertainment and a part of modern culture in the developed world. There are currently considered to be eight generations of video game consoles. The most common consoles used by the teenagers nowadays include Xbox, game boy, play station and Nintendo Game Cube. There are numerous genres of video games that have been available to the consumers for the past 30 years. One of the oldest genres of video game is the classic shooter. Shooters are games that require the player to blow away enemies or objects in order to survive and continue game play. Another of the first video game genres, especially from the computer platforms, was the adventure game. Another preferred genre is the strategy or the tactic games. These games attempt to capture a sense of realism for the game player to experience. However, these titles are often turn-based as opposed to real-time and they give the player a greater sense of specific control over a situation. Video games are a unique form of entertainment which encourages players to become a part of the game’s script. Our research will focus on the following issues: What appeals teenagers to play video games? What do teenagers experience while playing video games? How does playing video games effect teenagers positively? How does playing video games effect teenagers negatively? Should parents show concern regarding their children playing video games? Douglas A. Paul J. Lynch et al (2004) Gentile, in their article â€Å" The effects of violent video game habits on adolescent hostility, aggressive behavior and school performance† have discussed the effects of video games on teenagers. Their research stated that in 2000 the revenue generated by the gaming industry was $20 billion. Teenagers contributed the most in the consumption of the gaming consoles. Also 54 independent tests on relation between video game violence and aggression were conducted ; five consistent results of playing games with violent content were retrieved through this research i.e. playing violent games increases aggressive behaviors, aggressive cognitions, aggressive emotions , physiological arousal and decreases pro-social behavior. In the article â€Å" Perceived influence of negative and positive video game† , Shu .F .Lin (September 2010) stated the perceived effects between self and others in terms of both negative and positive video game. According to the researcher, the games were promoted through the mode of entertainment media in an array of content like sports, fighting, stimulation and role-playing etc. The positive impacts include increased socializing , controlling and cognitive skills, while negative effects were depression , anxiety and psychological disorders among teenagers. Steven J. Kirsh (1992) in his article â€Å"The effect of violent video games† found a positive association between video game play and self and teacher reported aggression in the age group of 11-17 years. In their study Anderson and Dill (2008) demonstrated a relationship between violent video games and lab aggression in college students .It has been found that children and adolescents play video games on average between 1.2 to 7.5 hours per week. It has also been suggested that psychological and biological factors are also correlates of aggression. Moreover the Anderson and Bushman’s (2002) General Aggression Model (GAM) has been successfully developed to further stress upon the effects . GAM can be used to explain the birth of aggression in the adolescents and the difference in vulnerability to the influence of violent games for every individual. In the article â€Å"The impact of video games on children† , Rick Missimer has put forth positive aspects of playing video games. He proposed that most of the video games are creative and fun intended. It is a medium that serves to get rid of stress by diverting their attention towards fun and entertainment. It reinforces the confidence level of children when they start mastering the games. It provokes innovative thinking and strategic thinking skills. Some games also aid children in their educational curriculum and help them get more familiar to technology. Kimberly Young ( 2004), Peter Laurie (1981) [1967], Jennifer Seter Wagner (2008) researchers conducted a research and discussed about the concepts of digital games and its application in forms and shapes. Being keen towards their research they illustrated about the history, symptoms, addiction, side effects ( physical, social ) benefits, and prevention against digital game playing. They further discussed about the addictive theories and how it impacts young brains. The study showed that addiction could be of many kinds and gaming is a negatively charged one, the symptoms of addiction are that youngsters feel depressed, restlessness and lack of self control between themselves, which is further supported by the side effects that they become victims of Carpal Tunnel Syndrome, weight gain and migraines, social problems which occur are Withdrawal, Lose touch with reality and misuse of money in form of extra hours of playing. The benefits were that the teenagers enhanced superior ‘ visuospatial’ abilities, ‘Wiihabilitation’ and ‘Exergaming’. They concluded their research with prevention against video gaming that were unimaginable like few treatment centers specializing in against game addiction and training for enhancement of social skills. Another researcher (Roni Caryn Rabin, 2011 ), a reporter of New York Times has discussed in her article Video games and the Depressed teenagers , one of the major concerns regarding video game playing i.e. depression in teenagers. He has talked about the study which was conducted on a large group of teenagers. The results were published in the Journal of Pediatrics. The study found that children who spent most of the time playing video games were very impulsive and were hesitant while socializing. Their school grades were also affected and most importantly they had worse relationship with their parents. This study was supported with another research conducted on Chinese teenagers. The results of this research were published in the Archives of Pediatric & Adolescent Medicine. It indicated that teenagers who used internet excessively ended up being depressed. Most of them used internet for playing video games. But Dr. Gentile , an associate professor of psychology at Iowa State University negated this study . The reasoning he provided was that teenagers who were socially isolated and impulsive are more likely to indulge themselves in activities such as video games. Once they become gamers , their school grades are likely to be affected and their relationship with their parents deteriorated. Dr. Gentile said that when teenagers start playing excessively , they are more likely to become depressed and isolated. One other author (Donna St. George, 2008) a reporter at Washington Post discussed about the behaviors of kids after playing mature games. The writer gave the reference of three researches held in USA and Japan. The results were almost same in both the countries, and this showed that video gaming and violence in teenagers was not the problem of USA only. Though, people used to believe that aggression due to violent video games was only the problem of an American teenager but now it was thought of as a general phenomenon that occurred across cultures. In USA, the researches focused on large groups of teenagers 364 and it was concluded that there was an increasing likelihood that a child would indulge into a fight or get physically aggressive after sometime of playing a game with violent content, as compared to other children. As compared to USA, the researchers were more curious in Japan. So, they conducted their research on more than 12 hundred people, and they focused on children as well as on adolescents. The results were quite same as were in USA. The researcher also talked to the parents of teenage gamers. Some parents did not allow their children to play mature games but despite that their children played and were found to be aggressive. On the other hand some parents were not uncomfortable with their children playing mature rated games but they didn’t find their children aggressive or hostile. The researcher suggests that it is important for parents to pay attention to the nature of games their children play and keep a check on the behavior of their kids after playing such games. A reporter at a magazine (Rebecca Scarlett, 2010) discusses very important beliefs of people, that games only portray a picture of violence and physical disorders. However just like two sides of every story it’s true that a large number of games do depict violence and useless themes, but a large number of games are now focusing on more constructive niche like physics games or math games or puzzles that provoke strategic thinking. Interestingly enough these niches are becoming rapidly popular among teens. These games help the kids and teenagers learn the complex and rather boring equations and formulas in a fun way which also develops logic skills as well as visual-spatial manipulation skills. Recently many parents have wished that they could get their children off the games to spend more time reading. Successfully the gaming industry has provided children with such Role-playing games. These games involve long quests with plots that are as Intricate as any novel, and these plots are revealed mostly through dialogue. Such that it becomes impossible to play the game successfully without a good deal of reading The author further explains that studies have shown even better results that kids who play more video games have better hand-eye coordination and they react on time. The speed of most video games demands quick decision-making in response to what appears on the screen, and many kids become so lightning fast while playing them. Even though video games have been demonized, there are many games out there that, when played in moderation, can actually have beneficial effects. (Mark.D.Griffiths,1998), another researcher discussed that video game playing is a leisure activity for most of the adolescents. He said that the literature provided by Loftus and Loftus (1983) and Griffiths (1991,1993) clearly indicated that teenagers took videogames as a source of entertainment. Furthermore, he also stated that boys play more videogames on average as compared to girls. He has also put forth the common argument regarding videogames i.e. it is potentially addictive. He has discussed the study regarding the computer games addiction by Shotton (1989), where he stated that most of the adolescents were addicted by computer games for than five years. He also pointed out a positive aspect that these people were intelligent and motivated, but they were often misunderstood. Our research methodology was designed to get the most accurate answers. Research Design Our primary research included survey method. Questionnaires were given to the respondents. Participants We have targeted teenagers (13-19 years) and their parents. Our sample size was 25. Our secondary research included articles from the web. Measures Questionnaires were designed such that they were divided into two sections; the first section has demographic questions and the second section is based upon the statements regarding our variables. Procedure Participants were of two kind, both teenagers and their parents. They were asked to answer the questions in the two different types of questionnaires. One was designed to collect the responses of the teenagers and the second one was designed to collect responses from the parents. Later on these responses were further analyzed to conduct our research. Like other related forms of media, video games have been a subject of controversy and our study focuses on the impact (positive and negative) of video games on teenagers. Discussion One of the major goals of our research was to know the factors that motivates teenagers to play games. According to our research, the greatest chunk i.e. 72% of respondents said that either they played videogames to avoid boredom or took it as a mode of entertainment. Few individuals also said that videogames help them to stay active. Whereas, a small percentage of the sample either played games to release frustration or as a hobby. The data is quantified visually through the following pie chart: Another important question is that despite having numerous substitutes available to videogames like physical sports etc, why do teenagers choose videogames as a source of leisure activity. Most of the teenagers said that it took their mind off their problems and the feeling of mastering the game is addictive. Furthermore, in this era of competition teenagers are in a constant pressure from their peers, so they have two options; either they face it or they don’t . They choose not to face it and just to take their mind off such problems; they take video games as a source of distraction. When the teenagers were asked about the hours they spend on gaming and for how long have they been playing, most of them play for approximately 3 hours on a stretch and have been playing for more than 2 years. Most of the parents too gave the same answer that their children play for so many hours (3 hours) without taking any break. Even our interviewee Mr. Waseem Yousaf said that children become too addicted after they start coming to gaming zone. The numbers of hours they play keep on increasing gradually and they start visiting on frequent basis. When asked about the genres of games that were preferred, most of the respondents replied in favour of action, strategy and sports. Even our interviewee said that the most popular games in gaming zone are action, sports and strategy. Another important aspect of video gaming is the effect of the violence depicted in video games. 72% played violent video games and 64% of our respondents (teenagers) feel that such games greatly influence their mood. More importantly 72% teenagers find themselves quite aggressive. Now let’s have a look at the health issues associated with video game play. Most of the parents said that their children have become negligent of their heath due to video games; they become so engrossed in it that they do not take care of their health and their children face health problems. Most of the teenagers also said that they have health issues because of playing video games. 24% of the respondents experienced backache, headache and eye strain, 36% had headache or backache out of which 24% had headache once in a month. 16% did not have any heath issues. The ones who did not have any health issues had an active life style and played physical sports regularly. The following pie chart depicts the above mentioned statistics graphically. When asked about the influence of videogames on schooling and grades, it was found that the parents and teenagers negated each other’s answers. Most of the children said that their grades were not affected by video game play but the parents said the opposite. It was also found through our study that many children became very defensive when they were asked about their gaming habits. It was deducted that 72% of teenagers lie about their gaming habits/hours to their parents. This shows that the teenagers are very supportive of video games unlike parents; they want to play as much as they want but parents have a genuine concern regarding it. They do not want their children to become addicts of games and neglect important things like studies. Our research shows that teenagers have equal preferences for outdoor sports as well as videogames; but still according to our research teenagers are more inclined towards video games as compared to the outdoor sports. However, with the introduction of Consoles like Nintendo Wii and Xbox Kinect ® the level of physical activity has increased. This is because these add-ons ensure that there is handsome amount of physical movement while playing games. Our interviewee said that places like gaming zones have a very healthy environment and teenagers prefer coming here and use gaming consoles that require physical exercise as well. Another thing worth discussing is the money teenagers spend on video gaming. Our interviewee said that on average a teenager spends an amount of Rs.500 for 3-4 hours which includes gaming rent as well as money spent on snacks. This has been a matter of concern for parents because teenagers have started demanding an increase in their pocket money more often now. Most of the parents have been unsuccessful in reducing the amount of time that their children spend on video games and many parents said that their children start to play significantly more than what they have been playing if they are asked to reduce the number of hours they play. This shows that children retaliate if they are asked to change their gaming habits. Hence, we can say that parents should not impose restrictions on the amount of time they spend in front of video games, instead they should try to logically convince them. Lastly, we would shed some light on the positive effects of video gaming. As discussed earlier most of the teenagers prefer playing strategic video games. About 52% respondents (teenagers ) said that due to such games they feel they can make decisions efficiently. Similarly, 64% believe that these games have sharpened their minds. Even our interviewee says that players who usually prefer playing strategic games are seen to be sharper and they grasp and master games quickly as compared to other players. Teamwork, working in collaboration, and cooperation is also another important positive outcome of videogames. Most teenagers play games which involve one or multiple players. When we asked our interviewee about the attitude of gamers, he said that players show team spirit and they play in collaboration. He also discussed that gaming zone and such venues provide a very healthy environment for teenagers; mostly teenagers from good family backgrounds come here. and it also provides an easy way of socializing with others. Conclusion & Recommendations The information narrowed down brought very sensitive issues into the limelight . It was observed that almost 72 % of the teenagers suffered from acute aggression , bad grades n health issues, thus proving our hypothesis correct. However only strategic games were given a positive response as they sharpen the minds of the players but on the whole the negative effects overshadow the positive side of playing video games. Parents should monitor video game play the same way you need to monitor television and other media. Be a loving, attentive parent who disciplines their child well. An aggressive child is more a product of dysfunctional parenting than anything else, including violent games and TV. According to Los Angeles-based psychotherapist Robert Butterworth, PhD, dysfunctional parenting, children with little guilt, and accessibility to firearms with little parental supervision can create violent children. â€Å"Most children who commit violent crime show an early combination of personality and family factors that include having trouble getting along with playmates in preschool,† Butterworth says. â€Å"By second or third grade they’re doing poorly in school, and have few friends. By the age of 10 they’re picking fights and getting labeled by their peers as social outcasts.† What’s more â€Å"they typically come from families where parents are poor at disciplining because they are indifferent, neglectful, too coercive or they use harsh physical punishment with little love.† Although playing video games can be a learning experience, give your kid a variety of entertaining things to learn from, so your kid will not be addicted to just one thing. Be sure to make him read books, play sports, interact with other kids, and watch good TV. Everything should be taken in moderation. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends that children not spend more than one to two hours per day in front of all electronic screens, including TV, DVDs, videos, video games (handheld, console, or computer), and computers (for non-academic use). This means seven to fourteen hours per week total. Limit the amount of time they could play and also used the video game ratings to limit the content of the games have children who do better in school and also get into fewer fights. Monitor the effect of video games on your child. Observe their behavior. If it appears that they’re becoming more aggressive with his siblings or friends during the period that they’re playing violent games, stop them from playing the games. If they become interested in history after playing historical games, then the game is beneficial to them. References Perceived influence of negative and positive video game by Shu Fang Lin Journal of Media and Communication Studies Vol. 2(10), pp. 208-214, December 2010 ISSN 2141 – 2545  ©2010 Academic Journals The effects of violent video game habits on adolescent hostility, aggressive behavior and school performance by Douglas A. Paul J. Lynch et al (2004) Gentile Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004) 5–22 The effect of violent video games on adolescents by Steven J. Krish Aggression and Violent Behavior 8 (2003) 377 – 389 The impact of video games on children by Rick Missimer from the website www.healthguidance.org Video Games: Effect on childhood Development by Brandon T. McDaniel 146 E. 800 N. Provo, Utah 84606 http://well.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/01/18/video-games-and-the-depressed-teenager/# http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/11/02/AR20081102023 92_2.htm Can Video Games Actually Have Positive Effects? By Rebecca Scarlett, Effects of violent games on aggressive behavior, aggressive cognition. Anderson, C. A., & Bushman, B. J. (2001). Impact of entertainment violence on children. American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, & American Medical Association (2000). URL http://www.aap.org/advocacy/releases/jstmtevc.htm Hostility, Type A behavior , and stress hormones at rest and after playing violent video games in teenagers. Lynch, P. J. (1999). Psychosomatic Medicine, 61, 113. The physiological and psychological effects of video games. Paschke, M. B., Green, E., & Gentile, D. A. (2001). Poster Presented at the 36th Annual Minnesota Undergraduate Psychology Conference, St. Paul, MN, April 2001. What Do Teens See in Video Games?† By Barbara Geller, MD Published in Journal Watch Psychiatry March 25, 2004 Haninger K and Thompson KM. Content and ratings of teen-rated video games. JAMA 2004 Feb 18; 291:856-65. â€Å"Video Games and Depressed Teenager† By Roni Caryn Rabin The New York Times, January 18, 2011. Appendix Interview Questions 1. What types of games do you have in your game zone ? 2. Which age group mostly and regularly come to play games ? 3. What is your view about kid’s attitude towards games ? 4. Do teenagers become addicted to games , if they start coming regularly ? 5. Do teenagers spend a lot of money on games ? 6. What is the attitude of parents towards gaming? 7. Which class (elite, middle, or poor) mostly come to play games in gaming zone ? 8. What is the affect of gaming zone’s environment on kids (especially on teenagers) ? 9. Do you consider that places such as gaming zone is a good source for socializing? 10. What is your opinion regarding teenagers indulgence in video games these days? Interview What types of games do you have in your game zone ? We have many types of games in our gaming zone but the most preferred are strategy, action and sports. Which age group mostly and regularly come to play games ? We have a lot of customers who visit us on frequent basis. People as young as 8 years and as old as 40 years come and play games here. But it is the teenagers who mostly visit the gaming zone regularly. What is your view about kid’s attitude towards games ? Different kids have different attitudes towards games. (Pause) Mostly children who play action games become more aggressive while playing and become impatient and hostile on losing. But children who prefer playing strategic games are quite quick in grasping the techniques of playing other games. Do teenagers become addicted to games , if they start coming regularly ? Yes, teenagers become quite addicted if they start coming on regular basis. The number of hours they stay in gaming zone keeps on increasing gradually. And most of the teenagers come straight from their schools and stay with their friends for too long playing games. Do teenagers spend a lot of money on games ? Yes, they do. On average, a teenager spend Rs.400 for 3-4 hours in gaming zone. We usually charge Rs.90 per hour for a game but kids prefer snacks along with the games so they end up spending a considerable amount of money on this activity. What is the attitude of parents towards gaming? Usually parents accompany young kids who are aged between 8 to 13. They seem to enjoy games along with their kids but they do not visit us on frequent basis. Parents of adults and teenagers do not visit gaming zone. They are maybe negligent of the gaming habits of their children because these teenagers spend a lot of money as well as time in our gaming zone and are never accompanied by their parents. Which class (elite, middle, or poor) mostly come to play games in gaming zone ? Mostly it is the elite and middle class who visit gaming zone. What is the affect of gaming zone’s environment on kids (especially on teenagers) ? The environment of gaming zone is very good. Teenagers from good family backgrounds come here and enjoy playing games. I think it creates a good impact on teenagers. Do you consider that places such as gaming zone is a good source for socializing? Yes, of course it is. It provides a healthy environment where people from different age groups come and spend quality time together playing video games. Most games involve multiple players and in such games the teenagers are seen to play as one team. They show team spirit as well as play in collaboration. What is your opinion regarding teenagers indulgence in video games these days? I believe that video games is a good source of entertainment. I know most of the teenagers prefer it over other leisure activities but at the same time I would say anything done excessively is not good. Teenagers need to have a balance in their lives regarding fun and studies. As far as they are able to maintain that balance I would support video game play. QUESTIONNAIRE 1 This is a research study on video games by BBA/BSc.I students of Lahore School Of Economics. Do not feel obligated to answer all questions if you are uncomfortable to do so. Thank you for your participation. Demographic information 1. Name ( optional ) _____________________ 2. Gender: 3. Age: 4. Occupation: Please choose the desired option Q5. How many child/children do you have? a) 1 b) 2 c) 3 d) More than 3 Q6. Your child is aged between: a) 8 – 10 b) 11 – 15 c) 16 – 20 Q7. Are you a single parent? a) Yes b) No Q8. What is your occupational status? a) paid employment fulltime b) paid employment part-time c) supported employment d) self employed Q9. Does your child show signs of video game addiction? a) Yes b) No Q10. On an average weekend, your child plays video games for: a) 0 – 1 hour. b) 2 hours. c) 3 hours. d) 4 hours. e) 5 or more hours. Q11. How many times have you unsuccessfully tried to reduce the amount of time that your child spends on video games? a) Never b) One time c) Two times d) Three times e) Four or more times Q12. If you fail to set a limit to video game time, your child would play: a) About the same amount as he / she does now b) Somewhat more than he / she does now c) Significantly more than he / she does now d) Far more than he / she does now Q11. Does your child have access to video game in his / her room? a) Yes b)No Q12. Does your child have interests outside the world of video games? a) Never or rarely b) Occasionally c) Often d) Always Q13. Does your child seems to have few friends outside the gaming world? a) Not at all b) Maybe c) Most certainly Q14. Does your child lies about the time he/she spends on video games? a) Yes b) No Q15. Does your child prefer playing video games over going out with friends? a) Never b) Occasionally c) Frequently d) Always Q16. Have your child’s grades been suffering from excessive video gaming? a) Not at all b) Somewhat true c) Definitely true Q17. Is your child permitted to play video games before the completion of homework? a) Never b) Occasionally c) Frequently d) Always Q18. Is your child an active member in the formal school activities or clubs? a) No, none at all b) Yes, one activity or club c) Yes, two activities or clubs d) Yes, three or more activities or clubs Q19. Does your child neglects his/ her health because of excessive video gaming? a) Never b) Occasionally c) Often d) Always Q20. Is your child employed as a part time worker? a) No, he / she is too young to work , or I prefer that he / she does not work b) No, he she is too involved in other activities (not including video games) c) No, I would like him / her to work but he / she refuses to do so d) Yes, but he / she has difficulty holding onto jobs e) Yes, and he / she successfully holds onto jobs Q21. Does your child becomes irritable or anxious if he/ she cannot access his/her favorite video game? a) Never b) Rarely c) Often d) Always Q22.Does your child becomes angry or defensive if asked about his/her gaming habits? a) Never b) Occasionally c) Often d) Always Q23. As a parent, do you decide what kind of video games does your child plays? a) Never b) Occasionally c) Often d) Always Q24. Will your child have difficulty giving up all of his/her video games for a week? a) No, not at all. This would be very easy for my child b) My child wouldn’t like it, but he / she could do it without too many complaints c) My child would have great difficulty giving up video games for one week d) It would be entirely impossible for my child to give up video games for one week Q25. Does your child plays video games at the first available opportunity? a) Never b) Rarely c) Sometimes d) Always Q26. Does your child gets headaches, red eyes, sore fingers or wrist pains from playing video games? a) Never or very rarely b) Sometimes c) Often Thank you for your co-operation! QUESTIONNAIRE 2 This is a research study on video games by BBA/BSc.I students of Lahore School Of Economics. Do not feel obligated to answer all questions if you are uncomfortable to do so. Thank you for your participation. Demographic information 5. Name ( optional ) _____________________ 6. Gender: 7. Age: 8. Education Level: 9. Institution: Please choose the desired option 10. How often do you play video games? Daily Once a week Twice or thrice a week Once a month 11. What gaming technology do you have in your house? PS-2/3 X- box Gameboy Laptop/Pc Others 12. How long have you been playing video games? 6 months year 2 years more than 2 years 13. How did you started playing video games; who or what motivated you? Self interest Friends Advertisements ( magazines, TV) Others 14. What is the longest you have ever played without taking any break? 3 hours 4 hours 5 hours More than 5 hours 15. What genres of game do you play? Action Sports Puzzle Strategy Others 16. How many players participate with you? One Two Multiple players e.g. online gaming Myself only 17. Do you play violent video games ( usually rated 18 + )? Yes No 18. Do you think that the result of the game has a direct effect on your mood after playing? Yes No 19. Would you consider yourself an aggressive person? If yes then rate yourself on a scale of 1-5? 1 20. What would be your major reason to play video game? Keep yourself active at home To avoid boredom Hobby Entertain or spend time with your friends Frustration Other 21. What is it you like best about video game? The feeling that I am in the control of the situation It takes my mind off my problems The feeling of mastering the game Other 22. Do video games improve your ability to make decisions quickly? Yes No 23. Do you feel video games have sharpened your mind? Yes No 24. Do you have any health problems after playing video games? Yes; backache, headache, eye strain etc Sometimes I get a headache or backache I get headache once in a month No, I don’t have any health issues 25. Have you had problems at school that are related to gaming? Yes; I am tired all the time and never get my homework done I had turned in late assignments because I was playing games instead of doing homework No; I have never let games interfere with my schoolwork 26. Do you play any sports? Only video sports I split my time between sports and video games I play only one sport I play more than one sport 27. Are your parents comfortable with your gaming? Yes No 28. Have you ever tried to quit playing video games? Yes; but I always start playing again No; I play as much as I want and it isn’t a problem for me No; I don’t play enough for it to be a problem Thank you for your cooperation! Graphical Data

Case Discussion: Learning Curve “B” †Assignment Essay

What do you estimate the buyer should pay per unit for the next 700 pieces assuming the supplier demonstrates a 75% learning curve? What if the learning rate is actually 85%? What do you estimate is the per unit cost of the next 700 pieces? 1.A:$178/unit at a 75% Learning Curve 212/unit at an 85% Learning Curve 2. Under what conditions can we use learning curves to estimate prices? In other words, when does the learning curve apply? 2. A:The Learning Curve is applicable when used for new products or processes that have a high potential for improvement, such as producing a technically complex item for the first time, or when an item has high direct-labor content. 3.Why can we use rough estimates when applying learning curves? 3. A:Assuming a reduction in time will follow a predictable pattern, and because it is predictable, we can develop estimates. 4.Why do manual processes experience greater learning curves than automated processes? 4. A:The worker has the ability to learn and improve through repetitive effort and increased efficiency. 5.Are there factors besides learning that can help reduce costs as volume increases? 5. A:Modifications to the production process; such as introducing new production methods, substituting increased automation for labor, or updating process technology.

Practical Demonkeeping Chapter 26

26 TRAVIS'S STORY Augustus Brine sat in one of the big leather chairs in front of his fireplace, drinking red wine from a balloon goblet and puffing away on his meerschaum. He had promised himself that he would have only one glass of wine, just to take the edge off the adrenaline and caffeine jangle he had worked himself into during the kidnapping. Now he was on his third glass and the wine had infused him with a warm, oozy feeling; he let his mind drift in a dreamy vertigo before attacking the task at hand: interrogating the demonkeeper. The fellow looked harmless enough, propped up and tied to the other wing chair. But if Gian Hen Gian was to be believed, this dark young man was the most dangerous human on Earth. Brine considered washing up before waking the demonkeeper. He had caught a glimpse of himself in the bathroom mirror – his beard and clothing covered with flour and soot, his skin caked with sweat-streaked goo – and decided that he would make a more intimidating impression in his current condition. He had found the smelling salts in the medicine cabinet and sent Gian Hen Gian to the bathroom to bathe while he rested. Actually he wanted the Djinn out of the room while he questioned the demonkeeper. The Djinn's curses and ravings would only complicate an already difficult task. Brine set his wineglass and his pipe on the end table and picked up a cotton-wrapped smelling-salt capsule. He leaned over to the demonkeeper and snapped the capsule under his nose. For a moment nothing happened, and Brine feared that he had hit him too hard, then the demonkeeper started coughing, looked at Brine, and screamed. â€Å"Calm down – you're all right,† Brine said. â€Å"Catch, help me!† The demonkeeper struggled against his bonds. Brine picked up his pipe and lit it, affecting a bored nonchalance. After a moment the demonkeeper settled down. Brine blew a thin stream of smoke into the air between them. â€Å"Catch isn't here. You're on your own.† Travis seemed to forget that he had been beaten, kidnapped, and tied up. His concentration was focused on Brine's last statement. â€Å"What do you mean, Catch isn't here? You know about Catch?† Brine considered giving him the I'm-asking-the-questions-here line that he had heard so many times in detective movies, but upon reflection, it seemed silly. He wasn't a hardass; why play the role? â€Å"Yes, I know about the demon. I know that he eats people, and I know you are his master.† â€Å"How do you know all that?† â€Å"It doesn't matter,† Brine said. â€Å"I also know that you've lost control of Catch.† â€Å"I have?† Travis seemed genuinely shaken by this. â€Å"Look, I don't know who you are, but you can't keep me here. If Catch is out of control again, I'm the only one that can stop him. I'm really close to ending all this; you can't stop me now.† â€Å"Why should you care?† â€Å"What do you mean, why should I care? You might know about Catch, but you can't imagine what he's like when he's out of control.† â€Å"What I mean,† Brine said, â€Å"is why should you care about the damage he causes? You called him up, didn't you? You send him out to kill, don't you?† Travis shook his head violently. â€Å"You don't understand. I'm not what you think. I never wanted this, and now I have a chance to stop it. Let me go. I can end it.† â€Å"Why should I trust you? You're a murderer.† â€Å"No. Catch is.† â€Å"What's the difference? If I do let you go, it will be because you will have told me what I want to know, and how I can use that information. Now I'll listen and you'll talk.† â€Å"I can't tell you anything. And you don't want to know anyway, I promise you.† â€Å"I want to know where the Seal of Solomon is. And I want to know the incantation that sends Catch back. Until I know, you're not going anywhere.† â€Å"Seal of Solomon? I don't know what you're talking about.† â€Å"Look – what is your name, anyway?† â€Å"Travis.† â€Å"Look, Travis,† Brine said, â€Å"my associate wants to use torture. I don't like the idea, but if you jerk me around, torture might be the only way to go.† â€Å"Don't you have to have two guys to play good cop, bad cop?† â€Å"My associate is taking a bath. I wanted to see if I could reason with you before I let him near you. I really don't know what he's capable of†¦ I'm not even sure what he is. So if we could get on with this, it would be better for the both of us.† â€Å"Where's Jenny?† Travis asked. â€Å"She's fine. She's at work.† â€Å"You won't hurt her?† â€Å"I'm not some kind of terrorist, Travis. I didn't ask to be involved in this, but I am. I don't want to hurt you, and I would never hurt Jenny. She's a friend of mine.† â€Å"So if I tell you what I know, you'll let me go?† â€Å"That's the deal. But I'll have to make sure that what you tell me is true.† Brine relaxed. This young man didn't seem to have any of the qualities of a mass murderer. If anything, he seemed a little naive. â€Å"Okay, I'll tell you everything I know about Catch and the incantations, but I swear to you, I don't know anything about any Seal of Solomon. It's a pretty strange story.† â€Å"I guessed that,† Brine said. â€Å"Shoot.† He poured himself a glass of wine, relit his pipe, and sat back, propping his feet up on the hearth. â€Å"Like I said, it's a pretty strange story.† â€Å"Strange is my middle name,† Brine said. â€Å"That must have been difficult for you as a child,† Travis said. â€Å"Would you get on with it.† â€Å"You asked for it.† Travis took a deep breath. â€Å"I was born in Clarion, Pennsylvania, in the year nineteen hundred.† â€Å"Bullshit,† Brine interrupted. â€Å"You're not a day over twenty-five.† â€Å"This is going to take a lot more time if I have to keep stopping. Just listen – it'll all fall into place.† Brine grumbled and nodded for Travis to continue. â€Å"I was born on a farm. My parents were Irish immigrants, black Irish. I was the oldest of six children, two boys and four girls. My parents were staunch Catholics. My mother wanted me to be a priest. She pushed me to study so I could get into seminary. She was working on the local diocese to recommend me while I was still in the womb. When World War I broke out, she begged the bishop to get me into seminary early. Everybody knew it was just a matter of time before America entered the war. My mother wanted me in seminary before the Army could draft me. Boys from secular colleges were already in Europe, driving ambulances, and some of them had been killed. My mother wasn't going to lose her chance to have a son become a priest to something as insignificant as a world war. You see, my little brother was a bit slow – mentally, I mean. I was my mother's only chance.† â€Å"So you went to seminary,† Brine interjected. He was becoming impatient with the progress of the story. â€Å"I went in at sixteen, which made me at least four years younger than the other boys. My mother packed me some sandwiches, and I packed myself into a threadbare black suit that was three sizes too small for me and I was on the train to Illinois. â€Å"You have to understand, I didn't want any part of this stuff with the demon; I really wanted to be a priest. Of all the people I had known as a child, the priest seemed like the only one who had any control over things. The crops could fail, banks could close, people could get sick and die, but the priest and the church were always there, calm and steadfast. And all that mysticism was pretty nifty, too.† â€Å"What about women?† Brine asked. He had resolved himself to hearing an epic, and it seemed as if Travis needed to tell it. Brine found he liked the strange young man, in spite of himself. â€Å"You don't miss what you've never known. I mean I had these urges, but they were sinful, right? I just had to say, ‘Get thee behind me Satan', and get on with it.† â€Å"That's the most incredible thing you've told me so far,† Brine said. â€Å"When I was sixteen, sex seemed like the only reason to go on living.† â€Å"That's what they thought at seminary, too. Because I was younger than the others, the prefect of discipline, Father Jasper, took me on as his special project. To keep me from impure thoughts, he made me work constantly. In the evenings, when the others were given time for prayer and meditation, I was sent to the chapel to polish the silver. While the others ate, I worked in the kitchen, serving and washing dishes. For two years the only rest I had from dawn until midnight was during classes and mass. When I fell behind in my studies, Father Jasper rode me even harder. â€Å"The Vatican had given the seminary a set of silver candlesticks for the altar. Supposedly they had been commissioned by one of the early popes and were over six hundred years old. The candlesticks were the most prized possession of the seminary and it was my job to polish them. Father Jasper stood over me, evening after evening, chiding me and berating me for being impure in thought. I polished the silver until my hands were black from the compound, and still Father Jasper found fault with me. If I had impure thoughts it was because he kept reminding me to have them. â€Å"I had no friends in seminary. Father Jasper had put his mark on me, and the other students shunned me for fear of invoking the prefect of discipline's wrath. I wrote home when I had a chance, but for some reason my letters were never answered. I began to suspect that Father Jasper was keeping my letters from getting to me. â€Å"One evening, while I was polishing the silver on the altar, Father Jasper came to the chapel and started to lecture me on my evil nature. â€Å"‘You are impure in thought and deed, yet you do not confess,' he said. ‘You are evil, Travis, and it is my duty to drive that evil out!' â€Å"I couldn't take it any longer. ‘Where are my letters?' I blurted out. ‘You are keeping me from my family.' â€Å"Father Jasper was furious. ‘Yes, I keep your letters. You are spawned from a womb of evil. How else could you have come here so young. I waited for eight years to come to Saint Anthony's – waited in the cold of the world while others were taken into the warm bosom of Christ.' â€Å"At last I knew why I had been singled out for punishment. It had nothing to do with my spiritual impurity. It was jealousy. I said, ‘And you, Father Jasper, have you confessed your jealousy and your pride? Have you confessed your cruelty?' â€Å"‘Cruel, am I?' he said. He laughed at me, and for the first time I was really afraid of him. ‘There is no cruelty in the bosom of Christ, only tests of faith. Your faith is wanting, Travis. I will show you.' â€Å"He told me to lie with arms outstretched on the steps before the altar and pray for strength. He left the chapel for a moment, and when he returned I could hear something whistling through the air. I looked up and saw that he was carrying a thin whip cut from a willow branch. â€Å"‘Have you no humility, Travis? Bow your head before our Lord.' â€Å"I could hear him moving behind me, but I could not see him. Why I didn't leave right then I don't know. Perhaps I believed that Father Jasper was actually testing my faith, that he was the cross I had to bear. â€Å"He tore my robe up the back, exposing my bare back and legs. ‘You will not cry out, Travis. After each blow a Hail Mary. Now,' he said. Then I felt the whip across my back and I thought I would scream, but instead I said a Hail Mary. He threw a rosary in front of me and told me to take it. I held it behind my head, feeling the pain come with every bead. â€Å"‘You are a coward, Travis. You don't deserve to serve our Lord. You are here to avoid the war, aren't you, Travis?' â€Å"I didn't answer him and the whip fell again. â€Å"After a while I heard him laughing with each stroke of the whip. I did not look back for fear he might strike me across the eyes. Before I had finished the rosary, I heard him gasp and drop to the floor behind me. I thought – no, I hoped – he had had a heart attack. But when I looked back he was kneeling behind me, gasping for air, exhausted, but smiling. â€Å"‘Face down, sinner!' he screamed. He drew back the whip as if he were going to strike me in the face and I covered my head. â€Å"‘You will tell no one of this,' he said. His voice was low and calm. For some reason that scared me more than his anger. ‘You are to stay the night here, polish the silver, and pray for forgiveness. I will return in the morning with a new robe for you. If you speak of this to anyone, I will see that you are expelled from Saint Anthony's and, if I can manage it, excommunicated.' â€Å"I hadn't ever heard excommunication used as a threat. It was something we studied in class. The popes had used it as an instrument of political control, but the reality of being excluded from salvation by someone else had never really occurred to me. I didn't believe that Father Jasper could really excommunicate me, but I wasn't going to test it. â€Å"While Father Jasper watched, I began to polish the candlesticks, rubbing furiously to take my mind off the pain in my back and legs, and to try to forget that he was watching. Finally, he left the chapel. When I heard the door close, I threw the candlestick I was holding at the door. â€Å"Father Jasper had tested my faith, and I had failed. I cursed the Trinity, the Virgin, and all the saints I could remember. Eventually my anger subsided and I feared Father Jasper would return and see what I had done. â€Å"I retrieved the candlestick and inspected it to see if I had done any damage. Father Jasper would check them in the morning as he always did, and I would be lost. â€Å"There was a deep scratch across the axis of the candlestick. I rubbed at it, harder and harder, but it only seemed to get worse. Soon I realized that it wasn't a scratch at all but a seam that had been concealed by the silversmith. The priceless artifact from the Vatican was a sham. It was supposed to be solid silver, but here was evidence that it was hollow. I grabbed both ends of the candlestick and twisted. As I suspected, it unscrewed. There was a sort of triumph in it. I wanted to be holding the two pieces when Father Jasper returned. I wanted to wave them in his face. ‘Here', I would say, ‘these are as hollow and false as you are. I would expose him, ruin him, and if I was expelled and damned, I didn't care. But I never got the chance to confront him. â€Å"When I pulled the two pieces apart, a tightly rolled piece of parchment fell out.† â€Å"The invocation,† Brine interrupted. â€Å"Yes, but I didn't know what it was. I unrolled it and started to read. There was a passage at the top in Latin, which I didn't have much trouble translating. It said something about calling down help from God to deal with enemies of the Church. It was signed by His Holiness, Pope Leo the Third. â€Å"The second part was written in Greek. As I said, I had fallen behind in my studies, so the Greek was difficult. I started reading it aloud, working on each word as I went. By the time I was through the first passage, it had started to get cold in the chapel. I wasn't sure what I was reading. Some of the words were mysteries to me. I just read over them, trying to glean what I could from the context. Then something seemed to take over my mind. â€Å"I started reading the Greek as if it were my native language, pronouncing the words perfectly, without having the slightest idea of what they meant. â€Å"A wind whipped up inside the chapel, blowing out all the candles. Except for a little moonlight coming through the windows, it was completely dark, but the words on the parchment began to glow and I kept reading. I was locked into the parchment as if I had grabbed an electric wire and couldn't let go. â€Å"When I read the last line, I found I was screaming the words. Lightning flashed down from the roof and struck the candlestick, which was lying on the floor in front of me. The wind stopped and smoke filled the chapel. â€Å"Nothing prepares you for something like that. You can spend your life preparing to be the instrument of God. You can read accounts of possession and exorcism and try to imagine yourself in the situation, but when it actually happens, you just shut down. I did, anyway. I sat there trying to figure out what I had done, but my mind wouldn't work. â€Å"The smoke floated up into the rafters of the chapel and I could make out a huge figure standing at the altar. It was Catch, in his eating form.† â€Å"What's his eating form?† Brine asked. â€Å"I assume from the deal with the flour that you know Catch is visible to others only when he is in his eating form. Most of the time I see him as a three-foot imp covered with scales. When he feeds or goes out of control, he's a giant. I've seen him cut a man in half with one swipe of his claws. I don't know why it works that way. I just know that when I saw him for the first time, I had never been so frightened. â€Å"He looked around the chapel, then at me, then at the chapel. I was praying under my breath, begging God for protection. â€Å"‘Stop it!' he said. ‘I'll take care of everything.' Then he went down the aisle and through the chapel doors, knocking them off their hinges. He turned and looked back at me. He said: ‘You have to open these things, right? I forgot – it's been a while.' â€Å"As soon as he was gone I picked up the candlesticks and ran. I got as far as the front gates before I realized that I was still wearing the torn robe. â€Å"I wanted to get away, hide, forget what I had seen, but I had to go back and get my clothes. I ran back to my quarters. Since I was in my third year at seminary, I been given a small private room, so, thankfully, I didn't have to go through the dormitory ward rooms where the newer students slept. The only clothes I had were the suit I had worn when I came and a pair of overalls I wore when I worked in the seminary fields. I tried to put on the suit, but the pants were just too tight, so I put the overalls on and wore the suit jacket over them to cover my shoulders. I wrapped the candlesticks in a blanket and headed for the gate. â€Å"When I was just outside the gate, I heard a horrible scream from the rectory. There was no mistaking; it was Father Jasper. â€Å"I ran the six miles into town without stopping. The sun was coming up as I reached the train station and a train was pulling away from the platform. I didn't know where it was going, but I ran after it and managed to swing myself on board before I collapsed. â€Å"I'd like to tell you I had some kind of plan, but I didn't. My only thought was to get as far away from St. Anthony's as I could. I don't know why I took the candlesticks. I wasn't interested in their value. I guess I didn't want to leave any evidence of what I'd done. Or maybe it was the influence of the supernatural. â€Å"Anyway, I caught my breath and went into the passenger car to find a seat. The train was nearly full, soldiers and a few civilians here and there. I staggered down the aisle and fell into the first empty seat I could find. It was next to a young woman who was reading a book. â€Å"‘This seat is taken,' she said. â€Å"‘Please, just let me rest here for a minute,' I begged. ‘I'll get up when your companion returns.' â€Å"She looked up from her book and I found myself staring into the biggest, bluest eyes I'd ever seen. I will never forget them. She was young, about my age, and wore her dark hair pinned up under a hat, which was the style in those days. She looked genuinely frightened of me. I guess I was wearing my own fright on my face. â€Å"‘Are you all right? Shall I call the conductor?' she asked. â€Å"I thanked her but told her that I just needed to rest a moment. She was looking at the strange way I was dressed, trying to be polite, but obviously perplexed. I looked up and noticed that everyone in the car was staring at me. Could they know about what I'd done? I wondered. Then I realized why they were staring. There was a war on and I was obviously the right age for the Army, yet I was dressed in civilian clothes. ‘I'm a seminary student,' I blurted out to them, causing a breeze of incredulous whispers. The girl blushed. â€Å"‘I'm sorry,' I said to her. ‘I'll move on.' I started to rise, but she put her hand on my shoulder to push me back into my seat and I winced when she touched my injured shoulder. â€Å"‘No,' she said, ‘I'm traveling alone. I've just been saving this seat to ward off the soldiers. You know how they can be sometimes, Father.' â€Å"‘I'm not a priest yet,' I said. â€Å"‘I don't know what to call you, then,' she said. â€Å"‘Call me Travis,' I said. â€Å"‘I'm Amanda,' she said. She smiled, and for a moment I completely forgot why I was running. She was an attractive girl, but when she smiled, she was absolutely stunning. It was my turn to blush. â€Å"‘I'm going to New York to stay with my fianc's family. He's in Europe,' she said. â€Å"‘So this train is going east?' I asked. â€Å"She was surprised. ‘You don't even know where the train is going?' she asked. â€Å"‘I've had a bad night,' I said. Then I started to laugh – I don't know why. It seemed so unreal. The idea of trying to explain it to her seemed silly. â€Å"She looked away and started digging in her purse. ‘I'm sorry,' I said, ‘I didn't mean to offend you.' ‘You didn't offend me. I need to have my ticket ready for the conductor.' â€Å"I'd completely forgotten about not having a ticket. I looked up and saw the conductor coming down the aisle. I jumped up and a wave of fatigue hit me. I almost fell into her lap. â€Å"‘Is something wrong?' she asked. â€Å"‘Amanda,' I said, ‘you have been very kind, but I should find another seat and let you travel in peace.' â€Å"‘You don't have a ticket, do you?' she said. â€Å"I shook my head. ‘I've been in seminary. I'd forgotten. We don't have any need for money there and†¦' â€Å"‘I have some traveling money,' she said. â€Å"‘I couldn't ask you to do that,' I said. Then I remembered the candlesticks. ‘Look, you can have these. They're worth a lot of money. Hold them and I'll send you the money for the ticket when I get home,' I said. â€Å"I unrolled the blanket and dropped the candlesticks in her lap. â€Å"‘That's not necessary,' she said. â€Å"I'll loan you the money.' â€Å"‘No, I insist you take them,' I said, trying to be gallant. I must have looked ridiculous standing there in my overalls and tattered suit jacket. â€Å"‘If you insist,' she said. ‘I understand. My fianc is a proud man, too.' â€Å"She gave me the money I needed and I bought a ticket all the way to Clarion, which was only about ten miles from my parent's farm. â€Å"The train broke down somewhere in Indiana and we were forced to wait in the station while they changed engines. It was midsummer and terribly hot. Without thinking, I took off my jacket and Amanda gasped when she saw my back. She insisted that I see a doctor, but I refused, knowing that I would only have to borrow more money from her to pay for it. We sat on a bench in the station while she cleaned my back with damp napkins from the dining car. â€Å"In those days the sight of a woman bathing a half-naked man in a train station would have been scandalous, but most of the passengers were soldiers and were much more concerned with being AWOL or with their ultimate destination, Europe, so we were ignored for the most part. â€Å"Amanda disappeared for a while and returned just before our train was ready to leave. ‘I've reserved a berth in the sleeping car for us,' she said. â€Å"I was shocked. I started to protest, but she stopped me. She said, ‘You are going to sleep and I am going to watch over you. You are a priest and I'm engaged, so there is nothing wrong with it. Besides, you are in no shape to spend the night sitting up in a train.' â€Å"I think it was then that I realized that I was in love with her. Not that it mattered. It was just that after living so long with Father Jasper's abuse I wasn't prepared for the kindness she was showing me. It never occurred to me that I might be putting her in danger. â€Å"As we pulled away from the station, I looked out on the platform, and for the first time I saw Catch in his smaller form. Why it happened then and not before I don't know. Maybe I didn't have any strength left, but when I saw him there on the platform, flashing a big razor-toothed grin, I fainted. â€Å"When I came to, I felt like my back was on fire. I was lying in the sleeping berth and Amanda was bathing my back with alcohol. â€Å"‘I told them you'd been wounded in France,' she said. â€Å"The porter helped me get you in here. I think it's about time you told me who did this to you.' â€Å"I told her what Father Jasper had done, leaving out the parts about the demon. I was in tears when I finished, and she was holding me, rocking me back and forth. â€Å"I'm not sure how it happened – the passion of the moment and all that, I guess – but the next thing I knew, we were kissing, and I was undressing her. Just as we were about to make love she stopped me. â€Å"‘I have to take this off,' she said. She was wearing a wooden bracelet with the initials E + A burnt into it. ‘We don't have to do this,' I said. â€Å"Have you, Mr. Brine, ever said something that you know you will always regret? I have. It was: ‘We don't have to do this.' â€Å"She said: ‘Oh, then let's not.' â€Å"She fell asleep holding me while I lay awake, thinking about sex and damnation, which really wasn't any different from what I'd thought about each night in the seminary – a little more immediate, I guess. â€Å"I was just dozing off when I heard a commotion coming from the opposite end of our sleeping car. I peeked through the curtains of the berth to see what was happening. Catch was coming down the aisle, looking into berths as he went. I didn't know at the time that Catch was invisible to other people, and I couldn't understand why they weren't screaming at the sight of him. People were shouting and looking out of their berths, but all they were seeing was empty air. â€Å"I grabbed my overalls and jumped into the aisle, leaving my jacket and the candlesticks in the berth with Amanda. I didn't even thank her. I ran down the aisle toward the back of the car, away from Catch. As I ran, I could hear him yelling, ‘Why are you running? Don't you know the rules?' â€Å"I went through the door between the cars and slid it shut behind me. By now people were screaming, not out of fear of Catch, but because a naked man was running through the sleeping car. â€Å"I looked into the next car and saw the conductor coming down the aisle toward me. Catch was almost to the door behind me. Without thinking, or even looking, I opened the door to the outside and leapt off the train, naked, my overalls still in hand. â€Å"The train was on a trestle at the time and it was a long drop to the ground, fifty or sixty feet. By all rights I should have been killed. When I hit, the wind was knocked out of me and I remember thinking that my back was broken, but in seconds I was up and running through a wooden valley. I didn't realize until later that I had been protected by my pact with the demon, even through he was not under my control at the time. I don't really know the extent of his protection, but I've been in a hundred accidents since then that should have killed me and come out without a scratch. â€Å"I ran through the woods until I came to a dirt road. I had no idea where I was. I just walked until I couldn't walk anymore and then sat down at the side of the road. Just after sunup a rickety wagon pulled up beside me and the farmer asked me if I was all right. In those days it wasn't uncommon to see a barefoot kid in overalls by the side of the road. â€Å"The farmer informed me that I was only about twenty miles from home. I told him that I was a student on holiday, trying to hitchhike home, and he offered to drive me. I fell asleep in the wagon. When the farmer woke me, we were stopped at the gate of my parents' farm. I thanked him and walked up the road toward the house. â€Å"I guess I should have known right away that something was wrong. At that time of the morning everyone should have been out working, but the barnyard was deserted except for a few chickens. I could hear the two dairy cows mooing in the barn when they should have already been milked and put out to pasture. â€Å"I had no idea what I would tell my parents. I hadn't thought about what I would do when I got home, only that I wanted to get there. â€Å"I ran in the back door expecting to find my mother in the kitchen, but she wasn't there. My family rarely left the farm, and they certainly wouldn't have gone anywhere without taking care of the animals first. My first thought was that there had been an accident. Perhaps my father had fallen from the tractor and they had taken him to the hospital in Clarion. I ran to the front of the house. My father's wagon was tied up out front. â€Å"I bolted through the house, shouting into every room, but there was no one home. I found myself standing on the front porch, wondering what to do next, when I heard his voice from behind me. â€Å"‘You can't run from me,' Catch said. â€Å"I turned. He was sitting on the porch swing, dangling his feet in the air. I was afraid, but I was also angry. â€Å"‘Where is my family?!' I screamed. â€Å"He patted his stomach. ‘Gone,' he said. â€Å"‘What have you done with them?' I said. â€Å"‘They're gone forever,' he said. ‘I ate them.' â€Å"I was enraged. I grabbed the porch swing and pushed it with everything I had. The swing banged against the porch rail and Catch went over the edge into the dirt. â€Å"My father kept a chopping block and an ax in front of the house for splitting kindling. I jumped off the porch and snatched up the ax. Catch was just picking himself up when I him in the forehead with it. Sparks flew and the ax blade bounced off his head as if it had hit cast iron. Before I knew it I was on my back and Catch was sitting on my chest grinning like the demon in that Fuselli painting, The Nightmare. He didn't seem at all angry. I flailed under him but could not get up. â€Å"‘Look,' he said, ‘this is silly. You called me up to do a job and I did it, so what's all the commotion about? By the way, you would have loved it. I clipped the priest's hamstrings and watched him crawl around begging for a while. I really like eating priests, they're always convinced that the Creator is testing them.' â€Å"‘You killed my family!' I said. I was still trying to free myself. â€Å"‘Well, that sort of thing happens when you run away. It's all your fault; if you didn't want the responsibility, you shouldn't have called me up. You knew what you were getting into when you renounced the Creator.' â€Å"‘But I didn't,' I protested. Then I remembered my curses in the chapel. I had renounced God. ‘I didn't know,' I said. â€Å"‘Well, if you're going to be a weenie about it, I'll fill you in on the rules,' he said. ‘First, you can't run away from me. You called me up and I am more or less your servant forever. When I say forever, I mean forever. You are not going to age, and you are not going to be sick. The second thing you need to know is that I am immortal. You whack me with axes all you want and all you'll get is a dull ax and a sore back, so just save your energy. Third, I am Catch. They call me the destroyer, and that's what I do. With my help you can rule the world and other really swell stuff. In the past my masters haven't used me to the best advantage, but you might be the exception, although I doubt it. Fourth, when I'm in this form, you are the only one who can see me. When I take on my destroyer form, I am visible to everyone. It's stupid, and why it's that way is a long story, but that's the way it is. In the past they decided to keep me a secret, but there's no rule about i t.' â€Å"He paused and climbed off my chest. I got to my feet and dusted myself off. My head was spinning with what Catch had told me. I had no way of knowing whether he was telling the truth, but I had nothing else to go on. When you encounter the supernatural, your mind searches for an explanation. I'd had the explanation laid in my lap, but I didn't want to believe it. â€Å"I said, ‘So you're from hell?' I know it was a stupid question, but even a seminary education doesn't prepare you for a conversation with a demon. â€Å"‘No,' he said, ‘I'm from Paradise.' â€Å"‘You're lying,' I said. It was the beginning of a string of lies and misdirections that have gone on for seventy years. â€Å"He said, ‘No, really, I'm from Paradise. It's a little town about thirty miles outside of Newark.' Then he started laughing and rolling around in the dirt holding his sides. â€Å"‘How can I get rid of you?' I asked. â€Å"‘Sorry,' he said, ‘I've told you everything that I have to.' â€Å"At the time I didn't know how dangerous Catch was. Somehow I realized that I was in no immediate danger, so I tried to come up with some sort of plan to get rid of him. I didn't want to stay there at the farm, and I didn't have anywhere I could go. â€Å"My first instinct was to turn to the Church. If I could get to a priest, perhaps I could have the demon exorcised. â€Å"I led Catch into town, where I asked the local priest to perform an exorcism. Before I could convince him of Catch's existence, the demon became visible and ate the priest, piece by piece, before my eyes. I realized then that Catch's power was beyond the comprehension of any normal priest, perhaps the entire Church. â€Å"Christians are supposed to believe in evil as an active force. If you deny evil, you deny good and therefore God. But belief in evil is as much an act of faith as belief in God, and here I was faced with evil as a reality, not an abstraction. My faith was gone. It was no longer required. There was indeed evil in the world and that evil was me. It was my responsibility, I reasoned, to not let that evil become manifest to other people and thereby steal their faith. I had to keep Catch's existence a secret. I might not be able to stop him from taking lives, but I could keep him from taking souls. â€Å"I decided to remove him to a safe place where there were no people for him to feed on. We hopped a freight and rode it to Colorado, where I led Catch high into the mountains. There I found a remote cabin where I thought he would be without victims. Weeks passed and I found that I had some control over the demon. I could make him fetch water and wood sometimes, but other times he defied me. I've never understood the inconsistency of his obedience. â€Å"Once I had accepted the fact that I couldn't run away from Catch, I questioned him constantly, looking for some clue that might send him back to hell. He was vague, to say the least, giving me little to go on except that he had been on Earth before and that someone had sent him back. â€Å"After we had been in the mountains for two months, a search party came to the cabin. It seemed that hunters in the area of the cabin, as well as people in villages as far as twenty miles away, had been disappearing. When I was asleep at night, Catch had been ranging for victims. It was obvious that isolation wasn't going to keep the demon from killing. I sent the search party away and set myself on coming up with some kind of plan. I knew we would have to move or people would discover that Catch existed. â€Å"I knew there had to be some sort of logic to his presence on Earth. Then, while we were hiking out of the mountains, it occurred to me that the key to sending Catch back must have been concealed in another candlestick. And I had left them on the train with the girl. Jumping off the train to escape Catch may have cost me the only chance I had to get rid of him. I searched my memory for anything that could lead me to the girl. I had never asked where she was going or what her last name was. In trying to recall details of my time with her I kept coming up with the image of those striking blue eyes. They seemed etched into my memory while everything else faded. Could I go around the eastern United States asking anyone if they had seen a young girl with beautiful blue eyes? â€Å"Something nagged at me. There was something that could lead me to the girl; I just had to remember it. Then it hit me – the wooden bracelet she wore. The initials carved inside the heart were E + A. How hard could it be to search service records for a soldier with the first initial E? His service records would have his next of kin, and she was staying with his family. I had a plan. â€Å"I took Catch back East and began checking local draft boards. I told them I had been in Europe and a man whose first name began with E had saved my life and I wanted to find him. They always asked about divisions and stations and where the battle had taken place. I told them I had taken a shell fragment in the head and could remember nothing but the man's first initial. No one believed me, of course, but they gave me what I asked for – out of pity, I think. â€Å"Meanwhile, Catch kept taking his victims. I tried to point him toward thieves and grifters when I could, reasoning that if he must kill, at least I could protect the innocent. â€Å"I haunted libraries, looking for the oldest books on magic and demonology I could find. Perhaps somewhere I could find an incantation to send the demon back. I performed hundreds of rituals – drawing pentagrams, collecting bizarre talismans, and putting myself through all sorts of physical rigors and diets that were supposed to purify the sorcerer so the magic would work. After repeated failures, I realized that the volumes of magic were nothing more than the work of medieval snake-oil salesmen. They always added the purity of the sorcerer as a condition so they would have an excuse for their customers when the magic did not work. â€Å"During this same time I was still looking for a priest who would perform an exorcism. In Baltimore I finally found one who believed my story. He agreed to perform an exorcism. For his protection, we arranged to have him stand on a balcony while Catch and I remained in the street below. Catch laughed himself silly through the entire ritual, and when it was over, he broke into the building and ate the priest. I knew then that finding the girl was my only hope. â€Å"Catch and I kept moving, never staying in one place longer than two or three days. Fortunately there were no computers in those days that might have tracked the disappearances of Catch's victims. In each town I collected a list of veterans, then ran leads to the ground by knocking on doors and questioning the families. I've been doing that for over seventy years. Yesterday I think I found the man I was looking for. As it turned out, E was his middle initial. His name is J. Effrom Elliot. I thought my luck had finally turned. I mean the fact that the man is still alive is pretty lucky in itself. I thought that I might have to trace the candlesticks through surviving relatives, hoping that someone remembered them, perhaps had kept them as an heirloom. â€Å"I thought it was all over, but now Catch is out of control and you are keeping me from stopping him forever.†

Early americas history Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Early americas history - Essay Example This paper will analyze two of the articles available in the book during a period when slavery was rampant in the south (Johnson, 2012). One of the articles is ‘Plantation rules’ written by Barrow as a code of regulations that he wrote down. The article appears in one of the plantation journals written during a time when slavery of black people was the order of the day. The article presents us with clear picture of the rules that a black slave adhered to and the level of ownership that the owner felt. The document depicts what was happening in the American past at around 1852. Barrow wrote down this article with his black slaves in mind because he expected them to understand precisely his expectations for as long as they worked under him (255-256). From the article, some facts become clear about the period of 1800’s in the United States. During this time, blacks worked for white landowners as slaves. In addition, the owners of land perceived slaves as their proper ty. Therefore, they formulated rules that governed the entire life of the salve. The article highlights the restrictions that the slaves went through on the farms. They worked all day long and had to acquire permission in order to engage in any extra activity. The owner of the slaves controlled their movements. Through this, he intended to ensure that slaves did not interact with other slaves fro m other farms. He was aware of the potential reactions of black slaves. If they met too often and without control from their owners, slaves were likely to stage a rebellion. From the article, a reader realizes that black slaves did not have an opportunity to enjoy their rights as free individuals. They received minimal allowances for their work. They often worked for long hours. In addition, the owner limited the development of relationships of the slaves forbidding them from marrying from a different farm. The article highlights the plight of slaves in the southern states in ancient Americ a. It tells the facts from the owner’s point of view without altering and it presents reliable information of the fate of Negroes who ended up in white farms (258). However, the article does not reveal the story from the slave’s point of view. However, it provides the reader with an opportunity to experience the attitude and power exercised by slave owners in ancient America. The article highlights the core issue that led to racial issues between the whites and blacks. The article is the ‘confession of Nat Turner’ officially published by Ruffin Gray. Gray was the lawyer to Turner, a slave who was responsible for the organization of a slave revolution in one of the southern states, Virginia. Turner had been a slave who could not bear the conditions that surrounded slavery and called upon other slaves to raise a rebellion against the whites who were continually oppressing the slaves and overworking them. Turner’s confession targeted the entire America n public at that time. He was in jail and felt took the responsibility of narrating his reasons and contributions in organizing the revolution. He made his confessions to Gray, the lawyer who published the confession (259). From his account, it becomes evident that slavery in the southern states was very rampant. In addition, the article elaborates how the salves perceived the situation they were going through. Turner claims that he sought to organize a revolt with a divine motivation. He described

Business and Management Research (Leadership topic) Coursework

Business and Management Research (Leadership topic) - Coursework Example According to several eminent authors around the world, leadership activity plays critical roles in initiating the actions of the organization, motivating the workforce, providing guidance to the team followers, building a proper working environment and also coordinating with the upper management in order to ensure smother work flow (Duke, 2009; Mackay, 2007; Harrell, 2008). This segment of the study will undertake a critical review of the article, â€Å"Combinative aspects of leadership style and the interaction between leadership behaviours† by Gian Casimir and Yong Ngee Keith Ng. This journal article was published in the year 2010 in Leadership & Organization Development Journal, Vol. 31 No. 6, and can be found in pages 501-517. The authors carried out this study for the principal purpose of testing an alternative standpoint of interaction, which is purely based on the technique or way leaders amalgamates various leadership behaviours (Casimir and Ng, 2009). The two principa l leadership behaviours considered by the authors are socio-emotional leadership and task oriented leadership. The subsequent section of the study will enumerate brief summary and review the findings of the paper. In addition, this paper will also critically review the study by Gian Casimir and Yong Ngee Keith Ng in the context of its weaknesses and strengths. Review and Summary of the Paper The study by Gian Casimir and Yong Ngee Keith Ng was about examining the interaction between socio-emotional leadership and task-oriented leadership. According to the authors, there were two major underlying principles for which the subject of study was opted. The first and most important reason was that these two leadership styles have always been the centre of attention when it came to test of interaction in the field of leadership literature. The second reason was that the authors identified that a number of day-to-day organizational leadership involve attitudes and behaviour that can be arti culated as task oriented behaviour or socio emotional behaviour (Luthans, Hodgetts and Rosenkrantz, 1988; Judge, Piccollo and Ilies 2004; Komaki, 1986). Lastly the topic of interaction is also considered to be significant (Blalock, 1965; Cronbach, 1987). In the meantime, it is also necessary to define the two leadership style being discussed here in the study. A proper definition will help in better understanding of the subject and will also help in reviewing and summarising the paper. Task oriented leadership is often deemed as multifaceted and encompass wide range of behavioural traits (Glass, 2010; B. Bass and R, Bass, 2009; Northouse, 2011). Some of the typical function of task oriented leadership is allocation of resources, assigning the particular job to the followers, emphasizing on the deadlines, to cross check whether the followers are actually following the rules and regulation and maintaining the decorum of the organization and pressurizing the followers to work hard towa rds the achievement of the goals (Delamater, 2006; Heinemann and Zeiss, 2002; Lussier and Achua, 2009). Therefore, from the perception of the authors, it is evident that one of the most vital features of a task oriented leader is pressurizing the followers to accomplish the task in timely manner by delegating the tasks as per the capabilities of the followers (Misumi, 1985). On the

Required Changes for a Company with Organizational Problems Coursework

Required Changes for a Company with Organizational Problems - Coursework Example Pensions became an important issue for European workers, who were becoming some of the biggest losers in the three-year stock-market downturn. Falling share prices combined with longer retirements left many company pension plans far short of the amounts expected to be necessary, over the long term. The result was: wholesale shifts in the retirement plans companies were offering their employees, and in the way, workers must plan for old age. The poverty of many pensioners today was a real crisis, of an unprecedented nature.The issue was most pressing in the U.K., where company-funded pension plans, often tied to salaries, made up a bigger portion of retirement income than elsewhere in Europe and where companies had traditionally put about three-quarters of their pension funds in the stock market.  Ã‚  Ã‚   The schemes guaranteed members a pension income based on the number of years of service and the salary when the worker left the company. Companies said these plans had now become too expensive to maintain. Faced in many cases with huge deficits, they had a stark choice: either shore up the fund with hefty payments that could cut into profits - and hurt their share price - or cut back on pension benefits. Hence, these pension schemes were replaced with less-costly plans in which companies contributed money but did not guarantee a level of benefit. Actuaries said that many companies that closed their pension plans to newcomers, ended up closing them to existing members also, a few years later. From the companies’ perspective: many schemes have seen their funds shrink as a result of the stock market falls. In such cases, firms faced the possibility of having to make up any shortfall between the assets of the final salary scheme and the benefits promised to members. Companies were unwilling to contribute further funds into pension schemes.

Write a reflection journal according to the questions that I will Movie Review

Write a reflection journal according to the questions that I will upload - Movie Review Example Through this method, she was able to give importance to each kid by letting them realize that they all had a role in the success of the project. Ms. Stewert’s method of teaching showed that she respected each child’s opinions. She gave them freedom to express whatever is on their mind, maybe interjecting only when necessary. She did not impede on the child’s self-discovery of things around his environment. Her teaching method showed that she believes that the opinion of the child should take precedence and must be nurtured and allowed to be developed. She encourages children to feel at ease even if they make mistakes. After observing Ms. Stewert’s style of teaching with regards to people with disabilities, I think that she believes that children will learn by experiencing the world around them. By introducing Rebecca to the children, she was able to let them understand and learn about people with disabilities. Although indirectly, she somehow showed them that each one is different yet each one has rights and duties in society. She made the children realize that it is important to respect every person no matter what their stature, age or physical appearance

Ethics in Marketing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Ethics in Marketing - Essay Example There are four fundamental issues that should be taken into consideration when making decisions that affects the society. These issues include; individuals, economy, business as well as the society. However, owing to the high rate of decreasing cigarette consumption most industries especially, cigarette producing companies have take unethical measures and decisions making processes that do not take into consideration the four fundamental issues. The article indicates that, cigarette producing countries have stepped up their modus operandi and have managed to modify the decisions made by governments and journalists to create awareness among the public on the negative effects of smoking. These companies have gone to an extent of bribing journalists in most African nations to avoid publishing information that may reduce the rate of cigarette consumption in Africa. Ethical and Social Responsibility of Cigarette Advertisement in Third World Countries Most cigarette manufacturing companies such as British American Tobacco, with large shares in the Third World Countries have taken improved measures to promote effective marketing of their cigarette products. The advertisements have taken a direction whereby; health issues ascribed to smoking have been neglected as the companies are striving to make the public informed of the benefits of smoking. The use of elegant persons, properly dressed men and women to advertize cigarette have shifted the minds of most people especially in the developing nations from the consequences associated with smoking. This form of marketing some of the fundamental issues indicated in the Decision Tree Model; specifically, such advertisements focus majorly on profits made by the companies while neglecting the society as well as individuals. Ethical and Social Responsibilities of the Focus on Developing Markets Owing to the increasing rates at which governments and other institutions formulate and implement strict rules and regulations, most o f cigarette producing companies have shifted their focus of markets where such laws are limited or less active. Cigarette producers like PMI have shifted their focus on third world countries where such laws may be manipulated through corruption. Moreover, such companies have also developed more advanced technologies geared towards improving the quality of their products for instance; addition of sweet smelling products on the cigarette in order to convince the public and the government that such products are not harmful to human health. This strategy focuses on the benefits of the company while ignoring the social and the individual negative effects that may occur from smoking. Ethical Issues of Anti-smoking Campaign Cigarette producing industries have taken prerogatives to ensure that

ART5 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

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Cigna Corporation Internal and External Factors Evaluation Matrix Assignment

Cigna Corporation Internal and External Factors Evaluation Matrix - Assignment Example It is evidently clear from the discussion that Cigna Corporation (Cigna) has services organized under five main divisions, health care, disability, and life, international (CIGNA International) and Runoff Reinsurance. Having wide operations in the United States and beyond means, the company is a greater challenge to handle external factors than a local business. Similarly, the wider operations mean the company has a wide management structure and numerous employees. This also means the company has numerous internal factors that affect its operations in one way or the other. Similarly, the wider operations mean the company has a wide management structure and numerous employees. This also means the company has numerous internal factors that affect its operations in one way or the other. As is the case with every other business, Cigna Corporation (which will be referred as Cigna in this text) has a great interest in factors happening beyond it. These factors largely determine their chanc es of survival and most importantly inform the organization’s strategy. This is because external factors cannot be avoided or controlled. An organization can only adapt operations to maximize opportunities and adjust to any threats. In the case of Cigna, the following six factors have the greatest impact on their operations. The factors are considered from the wider grouping of political, economic, social, technological, environmental and legal factors. The most prominent political factor affecting Cigna at the moment is government regulations and policies. Since the election of President Obama, there has been continuous debate and eventual passage of the â€Å"Obama Care†. This is a health scheme which has sought to guarantee healthcare to all Americans. This is of great interest to health insurers who have been required to reconsider certain policy regulations. The most notable is a directive to have them ensure patients who have preexistent health conditions. From a business perspective, this government policy is likely to affect the profitability of Cigna as they will be required to make payments for conditions they would have avoided. Cigna is affected by almost every economic factor.

Canadian Government Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Canadian Government - Essay Example Canada is a democratic country, practicing what is known as the liberal form of democracy (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 8). This paper purports to discuss and analyze the different types of democratic governments in relation to the Canadian political system, highlighting some of the pros and cons of the practiced form. As already mentioned, the Canadian government is liberal in nature. Liberal democracy essentially imparts greater freedom to the public than is offered by the simple definition of democracy which merely empowers the general public to choose their political representatives through voting and elections (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 8). Liberal democracy ensures greater empowerment through three stipulations: the government works within a legally defined parameter and is checked by rules and laws, written in the form of a constitution; the public has freedom to gather and express political views through a free media and open access to information; and the political representati ves compete in a fair election where the public is free to choose amongst them through open voting (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 8). A democratic government, be it liberal or otherwise, can be of one of two basic forms: direct and representative or indirect. The direct form of democratic government is essentially what was practiced in the Greek politics, where the general public is literally given the power to choose and plan every law and policy that the government proposes and wishes to implement (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). These policies and laws are voted upon by the public, so that the voting system is not restricted merely to the election of the representatives (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). However, this system is not appropriate and practical for the modern day complex societies (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). Therefore, an indirect method of democracy is practiced whereby the public chooses their representatives who then make the appropriate laws and policies without public intervention (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). The government, in this case, is authorized to implement policies even by force, that is, through the use of the police and military, and other government agencies (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). The public chooses the representatives that it considers to best serve their interests (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). The parties prepare an agenda beforehand on the basis of which they fight the elections. This agenda is often the only way of predicting the party’s course of action once it is in authority (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). In turn, the government, at least that of Canada, is expected to be responsible, that is, it is answerable to the public, and has duties in the social and economic fields that it needs to fulfill to make the state a welfare state (Mintz, Tossutti, and Dunn 7). The representative form of democracy is

Acquisition in Multinational Coperation Essay Example for Free

Acquisition in Multinational Coperation Essay Purpose – This conceptual paper aims to draw upon recent complexity and organizational psychology literature to examine conï ¬â€šict episodes, exploring the limitations of the predominant research paradigm that treats conï ¬â€šict episodes as occurring in sequence, as discrete isolated incidents. Design/methodology/approach – The paper addresses a long-standing issue in conï ¬â€šict management research, which is that the predominant typology of conï ¬â€šict is confusing. The complexity perspective challenges the fundamental paradigm, which has dominated research in the conï ¬â€šict ï ¬ eld, in which conï ¬â€šict episodes occur in sequence and in isolation, with managers using one predominant form of conï ¬â€šict resolution behavior. Findings – The ï ¬ ndings are two-fold: ï ¬ rst, the behavioral strategies adopted in the management of these conï ¬â€šicts will be highly complex and will be determined by a number of inï ¬â€šuencing factors; and second, this moves theory beyond the two dimensional duel concern perspective, in that the adaptable manager dealing with these multiple, simultaneous conï ¬â€šicts will also need to consider the possible implications of their chosen strategy along with the changing micro environment in which they operate. Originality/value – This paper adds value to the ï ¬ eld of conï ¬â€šict theory by moving beyond two dimensions and exploring a sequential contingency perspective for conï ¬â€šict management within the organization. It argues that multiple conï ¬â€šict episodes can occur simultaneously, requiring managers to use differing behaviors for successful conï ¬â€šict management. Keywords Conï ¬â€šict management, Conï ¬â€šict resolution, Organizational conï ¬â€šict, Individual behaviour, Interpersonal relations Paper type Conceptual paper International Journal of Conï ¬â€šict Management Vol. 21 No. 2, 2010 pp. 186-201 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1044-4068 DOI 10.1108/10444061011037404 Introduction It is now over 40 years since Louis Pondy (1967) wrote his seminal article on conï ¬â€šict within the organization and its management and almost 20 years since his reï ¬â€šections on his earlier work were published (Pondy, 1989)[1]. In 1967 Pondy established what was for two decades the generally accepted paradigm of conï ¬â€šict: that conï ¬â€šict episodes occur as temporary disruptions to the otherwise cooperative relationships which make up the organization (Pondy, 1967). In his subsequent reï ¬â€šections on his earlier work and that of others, Pondy proposed that conï ¬â€šict is an inherent feature of organizational life, rather than an occasional breakdown of cooperation (Pondy, 1989). This radically challenged the previous paradigm. Indeed, Pondy (1989) even suggested that research into the phenomenon of cooperation within the organization could be beneï ¬ cial in providing further insight into conï ¬â€šict within the organization, implying that it was cooperation, not conï ¬â€šict, which was the anomalous state requiring investigation. Yet, for almost two decades, Pondy’s conceptualization of conï ¬â€šict as a natural state for the organization has remained largely unexplored despite the emergence of a complexity perspective which explores multiple elements of the conï ¬â€šict situation or cooperative state. One possible reason why Pondy’s challenge has not been answered is that some confusion has arisen over the terms and typologies used for the classiï ¬ cation of conï ¬â€šict episodes. Consequently, debates about conï ¬â€šict structure or composition have tended to dominate the research agenda. The potential for confusion arising from these various conï ¬â€šict classiï ¬ cations will be discussed in this paper. Where conï ¬â€šict management behaviors have been studied, researchers have tended to focus on a two-dimensional approach or â€Å"dual concern theory† model (Thomas, 1976) which suggests that individuals adopt conï ¬â€šict management behaviors based on their perceived self interests and those of others; i.e. concern for self (competitive behaviors) versus concern for other (accommodating behaviors). Although this approach to the research of conï ¬â€šict and its management ï ¬ ts well with Pondy’s (1967) original paradigm, it is challenged by the complexity perspective that has emerged in psychology research. The complexity perspective of intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict maintains that interpersonal relationships are more complex than hitherto thought, and that the unfolding conï ¬â€šict is inï ¬â€šuenced by a wide variety of conditions. Moreover the complexity perspective encourages the consideration of simultaneous complexity (more than one event occurring simultaneously) and of how the mode of conï ¬â€šict management affects the outcomes (Munduate et al., 1999). This fresh perspective has enabled researchers to examine the point at which behavioral style is changed and the effect on the conï ¬â€šict episode (Olekalns et al., 1996) and to look at how different behaviors are combined (Janssen et al., 1999). With the recent developments in the complexity perspective of conï ¬â€šict management research (Van de Vliert et al., 1997; Munduate et al., 1999), the time has come to further explore the possible consequences of the complexity perspective: whether it is in fact the case that conï ¬â€šict is an inherent condition within the organization (Pondy, 1989); whether conï ¬â€šict episodes do not occur in isolation but occur frequently and simultaneously (Euwema et al., 2003); and whether complex sequences of adaptive behaviors are required to continually manage the constantly changing intraorganizational, conï ¬â€šict environment. Before we can do this, and to provide a common ground for discourse, we ï ¬ rst need to examine some of the theories around conï ¬â€šict typology that have arisen in the psychology and management literature and which may be the cause of some confusion. Conï ¬â€šict terms and typologies â€Å"Conï ¬â€šict† is a broad construct that has been studied extensively across several disciplines covering a wide range of social interactions. Previous conï ¬â€šict research has identiï ¬ ed four main levels of conï ¬â€šict in the context of human behavior and relationships as summarized by Lewecki et al. (2003): (1) Intergroup conï ¬â€šicts between groups of individuals which can range in size and complexity due to the many relationships involved, including international conï ¬â€šict between nations. (2) Intragroup or intraorganizational conï ¬â€šicts arising within smaller groups which comprise the organization. A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory 187 IJCMA 21,2 188 (3) Interpersonal conï ¬â€šict; that is, conï ¬â€šict at an individual level, conï ¬â€šict between individuals, or conï ¬â€šict between an individual and a group. (4) Intrapersonal conï ¬â€šict on a personal level, where the conï ¬â€šict occurs in one’s own mind. Although these four levels of conï ¬â€šict all appear across both the psychology and management literature, it is the third level (interpersonal conï ¬â€šicts within the organization or the reactions an individual or group has to the perception that two parties have aspirations that cannot be achieved simultaneously) that has become the central ï ¬ eld of research within the organization (Putnem and Poole, 1987). In 1992, Thomas proposed a simpliï ¬ ed deï ¬ nition of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict as the process which begins when an individual or group feels negatively affected by another individual or group. The conï ¬â€šict consists of a perception of barriers to achieving one’s goals (Thomas, 1992). More recently, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict has been deï ¬ ned as an individual’s perceptions of incompatibilities, differences in views or interpersonal incompatibility (Jehn, 1997). Conï ¬â€šict at this level has mostly been seen as adversarial and as having a negative effect upon relationships (Ford et al., 1975). These deï ¬ nitions presuppose that an opposition or incompatibility is perceived by both parties, that some interaction is taking place, and that both parties are able to inï ¬â€šuence or get involved – that is. that there is some degree of interdependence (Medina et al., 2004). Interpersonal conï ¬â€šict could arise within organizations where, for example, customer-facing departments such as Sales make promises to customers that other departments then have to deliver. In this domain of intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict, both Pondy’s (1966, 1967) work and recent developments adopting the complexity perspective are of particular interest This broad area of intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict has been further subdivided into two types: relationship conï ¬â€šict and task conï ¬â€šict. Relationship conï ¬â€šict arises between the actors through their subjective emotional positions, whereas task conï ¬â€šict relates primarily to the more objective tasks or issues involved (Reid et al., 2004). A series of studies conï ¬ rmed this duality between relationship and task. Wall and Nolan (1986) identiï ¬ ed â€Å"people oriented† versus â€Å"task oriented† conï ¬â€šict. In the early to mid-1990s Priem and Price (1991), Pinkley and Northcraft (1994), Jehn (1995) and Sessa (1996) all identiï ¬ ed â€Å"relationship† and â€Å"task† as discrete aspects of conï ¬â€šict. The picture became rather more complicated in the late 1990s. In 1995 Amason et al. redeï ¬ ned conï ¬â€šict types as â€Å"affective† and â€Å"cognitive† and in 1999 Van de Vliert further redeï ¬ ned these types as â€Å"task† and â€Å"person† conï ¬â€šict. In working toward a more comprehensive model of intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict, Jameson (1999) suggested three dimensions for conï ¬â€šict: (1) content; (2) relational; and (3) situational. The content dimension encompasses the previously discussed conï ¬â€šict types (affective, cognitive, relationship etc) while the relational dimension considers the subjective, perceived variables within the relationships of the actors involved: . trust; . status; . . . . A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory seriousness; degree of interdependence; record of success; and the number of actors involved. The situational dimension examines the variables which may be most relevant in selecting an appropriate conï ¬â€šict management strategy. These include time pressure, the potential impact of the conï ¬â€šict episode, the degree of escalation and the range of options available in the management of the conï ¬â€šict episode (Jameson, 1999). Meanwhile, Sheppard (1992) criticized the multiplicity of terms that were being used to describe types of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict, and the needless confusion that this caused. The result of the many approaches described above is that there is no general model for the typology of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict within the organization. In the absence of such a model, other researchers have taken different approaches, using the antecedents of the conï ¬â€šict episode to describe conï ¬â€šict types. Examples of this proliferation include role conï ¬â€šict (Walker et al., 1975), gender conï ¬â€šict (Cheng, 1995) and goal conï ¬â€šict (Tellefsen and Eyuboglu, 2002). This proliferation of terms or typologies has unsurprisingly led to confusion, most noticeably with the term â€Å"interpersonal conï ¬â€šict† being used to describe purely relationship or emotional conï ¬â€šict (Bradford et al., 2004) or conï ¬â€šict being deï ¬ ned in terms of emotion only, adding to the wide range of terms already used (Bodtker and Jameson, 2001). Thus, at a time when international, interorganizational, intraorganizational, interpersonal and intrapersonal conï ¬â€šicts are being extensively studied with conï ¬â€šict deï ¬ ned and operationalized in a variety of ways, no widely accepted and consistent model has emerged to shape conï ¬â€šict research (Reid et al., 2004). Table I summarizes the many different conï ¬â€šict typologies that have been proposed. Table I illustrates that relationship and task conï ¬â€šict are almost universally accepted as distinct types of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict by psychology and management researchers. Date Author(s) Conï ¬â€šict typology 1986 1991 1994 1995 1995 1996 1996 1997 1999 1999 2000 2000 2002 2003 2003 2004 2004 2005 Wall and Nolan Priem and Price Pinkley and Northcraft Jehn Amason et al. Sessa Amason Amason and Sapienza Jameson Janssen et al. Friedman et al. Jehn and Chatman Tellefsen and Eyuboglu Bradford et al. De Dreu and Weingart Reid et al. Tidd et al. Guerra et al. People oriented, task oriented Relationship, task Relationship, task Relationship, task Cognitive, affective Task, person oriented Affective, cognitive Affective, cognitive Content, relational, situational Task, person oriented Relationship, task Task, relationship, process Goal conï ¬â€šicts Interpersonal, task Relationship, task Relationship, task Relationship, task Relationship, task 189 Table I. A summary of the typologies of conï ¬â€šict IJCMA 21,2 190 In addition, many researchers have identiï ¬ ed a third type of conï ¬â€šict which relates to the environment in which managers operate, described as situational conï ¬â€šict ( Jameson, 1999) or process conï ¬â€šict ( Jehn and Chatman, 2000). We believe that a consistent conï ¬â€šict typology is called for, to aid future research into the complex nature of intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict. In this paper, we propose that future researchers should recognize three types of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict. However, since the terms â€Å"relationship† and â€Å"task† are vulnerable to misinterpretation we advocate using the terms affective and cognitive (following Amason, 1996 and Amason and Sapienza, 1997), in conjunction with process (Jehn and Chatman, 2000), to describe the three types of interpersonal conï ¬â€šict. These terms, which reï ¬â€šect the more speciï ¬ c terminology used in the psychology literature, are deï ¬ ned in Table II. As Table II shows, the t ypology we propose is as follows. Affective Conï ¬â€šict is a term describing conï ¬â€šicts concerned with what people think and feel about their relationships including such dimensions as trust, status and degree of interdependence (Amason and Sapienza, 1997). Cognitive Conï ¬â€šict describes conï ¬â€šicts concerned with what people know and understand about their task, roles and functions. Process Conï ¬â€šict relates to conï ¬â€šicts arising from the situational context, the organization structure, strategy or culture (Amason and Sapienza, 1997; Jehn and Chatman, 2000). Using this typology for conï ¬â€šict between individuals or groups of individuals within the organization avoids confusion over the use of the terms â€Å"interpersonal†, â€Å"person† or â€Å"relationship† often used when referring to affective conï ¬â€šict, while task conï ¬â€šict is clearly distinguished from process conï ¬â€šict, addressing all the issues previously outlined. These terms will therefore be used throughout the remainder of t his paper. Having argued that taxonomic confusion has hindered conï ¬â€šict research through the misuse of existing taxonomies (Bradford et al., 2004) or where language has resulted in the use of different terms to describe the same conï ¬â€šict type (see Table I), we now move on to consider the implications or consequences of intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict and whether it is always negative or can have positive consequences (De Dreu, 1997). Consequences of conï ¬â€šict: functional or dysfunctional? Some researchers exploring attitudes towards conï ¬â€šict have considered the consequences of conï ¬â€šict for individual and team performance (Jehn, 1995) and have found that interpersonal conï ¬â€šict can have either functional (positive) or dysfunctional (negative) outcomes for team and individual performance (e.g. Amason, 1996). Moreover, the consequences of conï ¬â€šict can be perceived and felt in different ways by different actors experiencing the conï ¬â€šict episode (Jehn and Chatman, 2000). Thus, conï ¬â€šict is situationally and perceptually relative. Conï ¬â€šict type Affective Table II. A proposed taxonomy of conï ¬â€šict Deï ¬ nition Conï ¬â€šicts concerned with what people think and feel about their relationships with other individuals or groups Cognitive Conï ¬â€šicts concerned with what people know and understand about their task Process Conï ¬â€šicts arising from the situational context, the organization structure, strategy or culture The traditional view of conï ¬â€šict takes the view that conï ¬â€šict exists in opposition to co-operation and that conï ¬â€šict is wholly dysfunctional, putting the focus on resolution rather than management (e.g. Pondy, 1966). This perspective can be traced forward to more recent work. Where conï ¬â€šict is deï ¬ ned as the process which begins when one person or group feels negatively affected by another (Thomas, 1992), there is an implication of obstruction to either party achieving their goals, which is readily interpreted negatively. This can result in conï ¬â€šict avoidance or suppression of conï ¬â€šict management behavior, leading to perceived negative consequences on team or individual performance (De Dreu, 1997). Negatively-perceived conï ¬â€šict episodes can increase tension and antagonism between individuals and lead to a lack of focus on the required task (Saavedra et al., 1993; Wall and Nolan, 1986) while avoidance and suppression can also have long term nega tive consequences such as stiï ¬â€šing creativity, promoting groupthink and causing an escalation in any existing conï ¬â€šict (De Dreu, 1997). Not surprisingly, where interdependence is negative (where one party wins at the expense of the other although they have some dependency in their relationship) any conï ¬â€šict will be viewed negatively (Janssen et al., 1999). The perception of conï ¬â€šict will also be negative where the conï ¬â€šict is personal, resulting in personality clashes, increased stress and frustration. This type of relationship conï ¬â€šict can impede the decision-making process as individuals focus on the personal aspects rather than the task related issues (Jehn, 1995). In contrast to the somewhat negative perception of intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict outlined above, more recent conï ¬â€šict management theory has begun to suggest that certain types of conï ¬â€šict can have a positive effect upon relationships and that the best route to this outcome is through acceptance of, and effective management of, inevitable conï ¬â€šict, rather than through conï ¬â€šict avoidance or suppression (De Dreu, 1997). When individuals are in conï ¬â€šict they have to address major issues, be more creative, and see different aspects of a problem. These challenges can mitigate groupthink and stimulate creativity (De Dreu, 1997). Naturally, where there is high positive interdependence (an agreeable outcome for both parties), the conï ¬â€šict episode will be viewed much more positively (Janssen et al., 1999). Moreover, Jehn (1995) has suggested that task- and issue-based cognitive con ï ¬â€šict can have a positive effect on team performance. Groups who experience cognitive conï ¬â€šict have a greater understanding of the assignments at hand and are able to make better decisions in dealing with issues as they arise (Simons and Peterson, 2000). For example, research has shown that, when individuals are exposed to a â€Å"devil’s advocate†, they are able to make better judgments than those not so exposed (Schwenk, 1990). Schulz-Hardt et al. (2002) suggested that groups make better decisions where they started in disagreement rather than agreement. In these examples, conï ¬â€šict has a functional (useful and positive) outcome. We have argued that the notion of functional conï ¬â€šict has shifted the ï ¬ eld of conï ¬â€šict research away from conï ¬â€šict resolution and towards consideration of the management behaviors which can be adopted in dealing with conï ¬â€šict in order to gain the best possible outcome (De Dreu, 1997; Euwema et al., 2003 ). Next, we examine research into conï ¬â€šict management behaviors and explore some of the managerial tools that have been developed to help managers to deal with intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict. Conï ¬â€šict management behaviors Conï ¬â€šict management can be deï ¬ ned as the actions in which a person typically engages, in response to perceived interpersonal conï ¬â€šict, in order to achieve a desired goal A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory 191 IJCMA 21,2 192 (Thomas, 1976). Demonstrably, conï ¬â€šict management pays off: previous research has indicated that it is the way in which conï ¬â€šict episodes are addressed which determines the outcome (Amason, 1996). However, there is disagreement between researchers as to the degree to which managers can and do adopt different conï ¬â€šict management behaviors. Previous research has considered three different approaches: the â€Å"one best way† perspective (Sternberg and Soriano, 1984); the contingency or situational perspective (Thomas, 1992; Munduate et al., 1999; Nicotera, 1993); and the complexity or conglomerated perspective (Van de Vliert et al., 1999; Euwema et al., 2003). Arguably the simplest perspective on conï ¬â€šict management behavior is the â€Å"one best way† perspective (Sternberg and Soriano, 1984), which agues that one conï ¬â€šict management style or behavior (collaboration) is more effective than any other. However, it argues that individuals have a parti cular preferred behavioral predisposition to the way in which they handle conï ¬â€šict. Thus, from the â€Å"one best way† perspective, the conï ¬â€šict-avoiding manager may have a behavioral predisposition to avoidance strategies, whereas the accommodating manager may prefer accommodating solutions. In this paradigm, the most constructive solution is considered to be collaboration, since collaboration is always positively interdependent – it has a joint best outcome, generally described as â€Å"win/win† (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). The â€Å"one best way† approach suggests that a more aggressive, competitive, negatively interdependent approach (in fact, any conï ¬â€šict management approach other than collaborative) can result in suboptimal outcomes (Janssen et al., 1999). However, the â€Å"one best way† perspective raises more questions than it answers. It does not explain how managers are able to collaborate if they have a different behavioral predisposition, nor does it provide evidence that collaboration always produces the best outcome (Thomas, 1992). A more general problem with the â€Å"one best way† approach is that it may not be very useful: if managers truly have little or no control over their approach to conï ¬â€šict management, the practical applications are limited. The â€Å"one best way† perspective does not consider the passage of time, that behaviors could be changed or modiï ¬ ed during any interaction, nor the effect any previous encounters may have on the current experience (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). Moving beyond the â€Å"one best way† perspective, in which only collaborative behaviors are considered to provide the most desirable outcome, the contingency perspective maintains that the optimal conï ¬â€šict management behavior depends on the speciï ¬ c conï ¬â€šict situation, and that what is appropriate in one situation may not be appropriate in another (Thomas, 1992). In this paradigm, the best approach is dependent upon the particular set of circumstances. The implications, which are very different to the â€Å"one best way† perspective, are that individuals can and should select the conï ¬â€šict management behavior that is most likely to produce the desired outcome. Thus, conï ¬â€šict management behaviors are regarded as a matter of preference (rather than innate, as in the â€Å"one best way† view), and the outcome is dependent on the selection of the most appropriate mode of conï ¬â€šict management behavior. Until recently, conï ¬â€šict research has been heavily inï ¬â€šuenced by the â€Å"one best way† and contingency perspectives, focusing on the effectiveness of a single mode of conï ¬â€šict management behavior (primarily collaboration) during a single conï ¬â€šict episode (Sternberg and Soriano, 1984). Thus the â€Å"one best way† and contingency perspectives do not necessarily o ffer a real-world view in which managers both can and do change their behaviors: adapting to the situation; perhaps trying different approaches to break a deadlock or to improve their bargaining position; taking into account changing circumstances in the microenvironment; and the subsequent inï ¬â€šuence upon the actions of individuals involved in any conï ¬â€šict episode (Olekalns et al., 1996). A fresh approach is provided by the complexity perspective, which characterizes conï ¬â€šicts as being dynamic and multi-dimensional. In such circumstances, the best behavioral style in dealing with any one conï ¬â€šict episode may vary during, or between, conï ¬â€šict episodes (Medina et al., 2004; Nicotera, 1993). For conï ¬â€šict in a complex world, neither the â€Å"one best way† nor the contingency perspective would necessarily produce optimal results. If conï ¬â€šict does not occur discretely and individually (Pondy, 1992a), existing approaches may not describe the world as managers actually experience it. Arguably, these approaches have artiï ¬ cially limited conï ¬â€šict research to a ï ¬â€šat, two-dimensional model. To address the shortcomings of traditional research and to incorporate the complexity perspective into conï ¬â€šict management theory, we need to move beyond two dimensions (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). Beyond two dimensions of conï ¬â€šict management theory Recent work by Van de Vliert et al. (1997) and Medina et al. (2004) has expanded current theory through consideration of the complexity perspective. The complexity perspective argues that any reaction to a conï ¬â€šict episode consists of multiple behavioral components rather than one single conï ¬â€šict management behavior. In the complexity perspective, using a mixture of accommodating, avoiding, competing, compromising and collaborating behaviors throughout the conï ¬â€šict episode is considered to be the rule rather than the exception (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). To date, studies taking a complexity approach to conï ¬â€šict management have adopted one of three different complexity perspectives. The ï ¬ rst examines simultaneous complexity and how different combinations of behaviors affect the outcome of the conï ¬â€šict (Munduate et al., 1999). The second complexity approach focuses on the point of behavioral change and the outcome, examining either the behavioral phases through which the participants of a conï ¬â€šict episode pass, or apply temporal complexity to look at the point at which behavioral style changes and the effect on the conï ¬â€šict episode (Olekalns et al., 1996). The third approach is the sequential complexity or conglomerated perspective, which is concerned with the different modes of conï ¬â€šict management behavior, how they are combined, and at what point they change during the interaction. The application of the complexity perspective to conï ¬â€šict management research has revealed that managers use more than the ï ¬ ve behaviors suggested by the â€Å"one best way† perspective to manage conï ¬â€šict. In their study of conglomerated conï ¬â€šict management behavior, Euwema et al. (2003) argued that the traditional approach under-represents the individual’s assertive modes of behavior and have as a result added â€Å"confronting† and â€Å"process controlling†, making seven possible behaviors: (1) competing; (2) collaborating; (3) avoiding; (4) compromising; (5) accommodating; A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory 193 IJCMA 21,2 194 (6) confronting; and (7) process controlling. Weingart et al. (1990) identiï ¬ ed two types of sequential pattern: Reciprocity, responding to the other party with the same behavior; and Complementarity, responding with an opposing behavior. Applying a complexity perspective, the effectiveness of complementarity or reciprocity behaviors will be contingent upon the situation, the micro-environment, the number of conï ¬â€šict episodes, and the types of conï ¬â€šict present. The sequential pattern may in itself be complex, being dependent both upon the current situation and on varying behaviors throughout the interaction. A further, often unrecognized implication of complexity in conï ¬â€šict is that each conï ¬â€šict episode could be unique, being composed of different proportions of each of the affective, cognitive and process conï ¬â€šict types (Jehn and Chatman, 2000). The implication for conï ¬â€šict management strategy and the choice of the most appropriate behavior is immense. Therefore, a new perspective is needed, in which conï ¬â€šict and the response to conï ¬â€šict is viewed as dynamic and changing over time, with each conï ¬â€šict episode having a unique composition requiring a speciï ¬ c but ï ¬â€šexible approach in order to obtain the best possible outcome. We propose that this might result in a manager changing behavior during a conï ¬â€šict episode, or indeed a manager adopting different behaviors for a number of conï ¬â€šict episodes occurring simultaneously. In the next section, we take all these complex factors into account and propose a single, dynamic and comprehensive model of conï ¬â€šict management behavior. Multiple, simultaneous conï ¬â€šict episodes We have shown that the ï ¬ eld of conï ¬â€šict has become entangled in multiple terms and that research into conï ¬â€šict management is struggling to reconcile two-dimensional models with the more complex situation encountered in the real world. A model is needed which considers the complexity of conï ¬â€šict episodes and separates conï ¬â€šict antecedents from conï ¬â€šict types, recognizing that conï ¬â€šict can relate to emotions and situations which have common antecedents. We propose that the way forward is to expand the conglomerated perspective into a sequential contingency perspective, in which the sequence of conï ¬â€šict management behaviors adopted is dependent upon a number of inï ¬â€šuencing factors in the micro-environment, the number of conï ¬â€šict episodes being dealt with, their composition, and changes in the behaviors of the actors involved. A sequential contingency perspective The sequential contingency perspective for intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict proposes the adoption of an alternative paradigm which is that conï ¬â€šict is ever-present and ever-changing in terms of its nature or composition; and that it is the way in which these continuous conï ¬â€šicts is managed which determines the outcome of any conï ¬â€šict episode and the nature of any subsequent conï ¬â€šicts. Figure 1 provides a visualization of Pondy’s (1992b) postmodern paradigm of conï ¬â€šict and provides a foundation for the investigation of complex, multiple, simultaneous, intraorganizational conï ¬â€šicts. This conceptual visualization of conï ¬â€šict within the organization provides a three-dimensional representation of conï ¬â€šict from the paradigm that conï ¬â€šict is an inherent feature of organizational life. It shows how, at any one given point in time, A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory 195 Figure 1. A conceptual visualization of multiple, simultaneous conï ¬â€šict there can be a number of conï ¬â€šict episodes experienced (y axis), each with different intensities (z axis) and duration (x axis). In addition, we have argued that each conï ¬â€šict episode will have a unique composition, being made up of different proportions of cognitive, affective and process elements. The implications for conï ¬â€šict management theory are twofold: ï ¬ rst, the behavioral strategies adopted in the management of these conï ¬â€šicts will be highly complex and will be determined by a number of inï ¬â€šuencing factors; and second, this moves theory beyond the two dimensional duel concern perspective, in that the adaptable manager dealing with these multiple, simultaneous conï ¬â€šicts will also need to consider the possible implications of their chosen strategy along with the changing micro environment in which they operate. Using this three-dimensional conceptual visualization of conï ¬â€šict within the organization we propose a sequential contingency model for managing interpersonal conï ¬â€šict within the organization (Figure 2). The basic elements of the framework in Figure 2 consider all the dimensions of conï ¬â€šict and its management as previously discussed: . the conï ¬â€šict episode characteristics, the type and composition of any conï ¬â€šict episode encountered (Amason, 1996; Jehn, 1995; Jehn, 1997; Pinkley and Northcraft, 1994); . the characteristics of the relationship(s) (Jehn, 1995); . the characteristics of the individuals involved; . the conï ¬â€šict management behaviors; and . the outcome of previous conï ¬â€šict episodes (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). IJCMA 21,2 196 Figure 2. A sequential contingency model for managing intra-organizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict The basic postulate of the model is that conï ¬â€šict is a constant and inherent condition of the organization (that is, that conï ¬â€šict episodes do not occur as isolated, anomalous incidents). Additionally, the effectiveness of the conï ¬â€šict management behaviors in terms of its functionality or dysfunctionality is contingent upon, and moderated by, the nature of the conï ¬â€šict, the characteristics of the individuals and relationships involved, and experience of previous conï ¬â€šict. Thus, this model provides a framework for dealing with multiple, simultaneous conï ¬â€šict episodes moving beyond the tradition two-dimensional approach. Future research To date there has been little empirical research into the degree to which individuals are able to adapt their behavior during an interaction, or on the value of the complexity perspective in dealing with complex intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict. The future research agenda needs to explore conï ¬â€šict through Pondy’s (1992b) alternative paradigm and expand on these theoretical ï ¬ ndings by investigating intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict in a number of ways. We therefore set out a research agenda framed in terms of four research propositions. First, taking the sequential contingency perspective and adopting Pondy’s (1989) alternative paradigm for conï ¬â€šict within the organization, research is needed to establish the occurrence of conï ¬â€šict. Pondy (1992b) argues that, rather than a sequence of discrete isolated incidents, conï ¬â€šict is an inherent condition of social interaction within the organization and that conï ¬â€šict episodes occur simultaneously not sequentially. This would imply that: P1a. Conï ¬â€šict is a constant condition of interorganizational, interpersonal relationships. A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory P1b. Multiple conï ¬â€šict episodes occur simultaneously. P1c. Conï ¬â€šict episodes are complex, having differing compositions of affective, cognitive and process elements which change over time. The complexity perspective recognizes that different conï ¬â€šict situations call for different management behaviors (Van de Vliert et al., 1997). This implies that managers can call upon a much wider range of approaches to conï ¬â€šict management than previously thought. Moreover there is a further implication, which is that managers are able to adapt their behavior during conï ¬â€šict episodes. Thus: P2a. Managers use different behaviors to manage multiple conï ¬â€šicts at any one time. P2b. Managers change their behavior over time during the same conï ¬â€šict episode. A substantial branch of recent conï ¬â€šict management research has focused on the outcomes of conï ¬â€šict and has suggested that not all conï ¬â€šict is negative (De Dreu, 1997; Simons and Peterson, 2000; Schultz-Hardt et al., 2002; Schwenk, 1990). Given this, we need a greater understanding of the effect that the behavior adopted has on the conï ¬â€šict experienced, whether it mitigated or agitated the situation, and the consequences for any subsequent conï ¬â€šict (Amason, 1996). Thus: P3a. The behaviors that managers use affect the outcome of the conï ¬â€šict. P3b. The behaviors that managers use affect subsequent conï ¬â€šicts. Finally, re-visiting Pondy’s (1989) alternative paradigm and incorporating the additional perspectives that come from consideration of conï ¬â€šict outcomes and the application of the complexity perspective, we argue that more research is needed into the relationship between the behaviors that managers adopt and whether these behaviors represent the conscious adaptation of an optimal approach to conï ¬â€šict management. Thus: P4. Conï ¬â€šict management involves adapting a set of behaviors through which a degree of co-operation is maintained, as opposed to the use of behavior(s) which resolve(s) discrete isolated incidents of conï ¬â€šict. Our purpose in setting out a new model and research agenda for conï ¬â€šict management research, together with a set of detailed research propositions, is to move the ï ¬ eld beyond the consideration of conï ¬â€šict episodes as discrete, isolated incidents and to encourage the investigation of different behaviors in different circumstances and their effectiveness. Future research needs to consider the complexity of conï ¬â€šict and adopt a research paradigm which considers the behavioral strategies within long term complex interpersonal relationships. Conclusion This paper has offered four contributions to the ï ¬ eld of conï ¬â€šict and conï ¬â€šict management. The ï ¬ rst is the clariï ¬ cation of conï ¬â€šict typologies set out in Table II. The 197 IJCMA 21,2 198 second contribution is the notion that business managers handle multiple and simultaneous conï ¬â€šict episodes that require different approaches to resolving them, so that the existing models proposed for conï ¬â€šict management are unlikely to chime with their actual experience. The third contribution is to map this in the form of a new theoretical model for conï ¬â€šict management (Figure 2). The fourth contribution is to use this theoretical model to set out a set of research propositions to shape research that will shed light on the real conï ¬â€šicts that managers have to face. Just 40 years on, and intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict theory itself appears to be in conï ¬â€šict. 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(2000), â€Å"What goes around comes around: the impact of personal conï ¬â€šict style on work conï ¬â€šict and stress†, International Journal of Conï ¬â€šict Management, Vol. 11 No. 1, pp. 32-55. Guerra, M.J., Martinez, I., Munduate, L. and Medina, F.J. (2005), â€Å"A contingency perspective on the study of the consequences of conï ¬â€šict types: the role of organizational culture†, European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, Vol. 14 No. 2, pp. 157-76. Lewicki, R.J. and Sheppard, B.H. (1985), â€Å"Choosing how to intervene: factors affecting the use of process and outcome control in third party dispute resolution†, Journal of Occupational Behavior, Vol. 6 No. 1, pp. 49-64. Tidd, S.T., McIntyre, H. and Friedman, R.A. (2004), â€Å"The importance of role ambiguity and trust in conï ¬â€šict perception: unpacking the task conï ¬â€šict to relationship conï ¬â€šict linkage†, International Journal of Conï ¬â€šict Management, Vol. 15 No. 4, pp. 364-84. About the authors  ´ James Speakman is Assistant Professor of International Negotiation at IESEG Business School, a member of Catholic University of Lille, where his attentions are focused on sales and negotiation. After working for 16 years in key account management sales he completed his PhD research at Cranï ¬ eld School of Management, where, using the Critical Incident Technique with an Interpretive Framework for coding to investigate intraorganizational, interpersonal conï ¬â€šict and the behavioral sequences adopted in the management of these complex interpersonal, intraorganizational conï ¬â€šict episodes. Other research interests include personal selling, past, present and future, where he conducted the US research for a multinational study on the future of personal selling and negotiation in context where his research interests include multi-cultural negotiation. James Speakman is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: [emailprotected] Lynette Ryals specializes in key account management and marketing portfolio management, particularly in the area of customer proï ¬ tability. She is a Registered Representative of the London Stock Exchange and a Fellow of the Society of Investment Professionals. She is the Director of Cranï ¬ eld’s Key Account Management Best Practice Research Club, Director of the Demand Chain Management community and a member of Cranï ¬ eld School of Management’s Governing Executive. To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: [emailprotected] Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints A re-evaluation of conï ¬â€šict theory 201